Page 5

MODERN JEWISH ORTHODOXY '

C

IN POST-

THE JEWISH CO[,94UNITY IN BORO PARK: A Dissertation Abstract By Egon Mayer, CUNY

institutions.

UDYmF

Brooklyn College,

The Jewish community in Boro Park (Brooklyn, N.Y.), with an approximate population of fifty thousand Jews of whom about 40% are first generation immigrants and 60% are second and later Eenerations of native-born, was used as a case study in which a number of previously accepted empirical generalizations and theoretical formula$1ons were tested. The empirical generalizations which were critically re-examlned deal with the pattern of acculturation of American Jews in particular and ethnic-religlous minorities in general. Theoretical formulations concerning secularization and the moral basis of post~ industrial American society were also critically analyzed. Eleven r'esearch hypotheses were postulated in the effort to establish that: (i) Jewish Orthodoxy as a system of belief and practice is, for its loyalists, not inconsistent with the American middle-class life style (2) the n a t i v e - b o r n children of the immigrant Orthodox do not abandon the religious beliefs and practices of their parents (3) the way in which modern Orthodox Jews participate in the economlc, educational, and political institutions of presentday American society is not at all different from the way other Americans participate in them. This style of participation is of a pragmatic or functional nature; implying no ethical or emotional commitments to these

A variety of techniques were employed to obtain the data necessary to confirm or dlsconfirm the hypotheses. Census data were used to establish the A m e r i c a n i z a tion and increasingly middleclass character of the community. A series of survey questionnaires were ad~inistered to the Principals of local yeshivas ~ a y schooled, a sample of Rabbis, a sample of families, and a sample of collegeage young people in order to discover the belief system and llfe style patterns in the community. Participant observation was used to get an insider's understanding of how the various elements of the religious and the secular llfe are integrated in the everyday lives of the residents. The r~Jor finding of this study was that key components of the Orthodox religious llfe have fortuitously coincided with the economic, political, and moral conditions of post-modern or postindustrial American society. The increasing rationallzatlon of institutions In contemporary American society has led to %he segregation and compartmentalization of major institutions. Hence, Jewish Orthodox beliefs and practices can be safely sustained along with full p a r t i c i p a t i o n in a universallstlc and rational economy, educational system, and political life. Because of the phenomenon of compartmentalization, acculturation without a s s i m i l a t i o n has become not merely a possibility but a high probability.

Page STUDENT STRUGGLE FOR SOVIET JEWRY: An Abstract

A STUDY

OF

By Jim Schwartz, sity

New York Univer-

The emergence of the Soviet Jewry movement is generally dated from the arrival of Ya'acov Birnbaum to the U.S., and his founding of the Student Struggle for Soviet Jewry (SSSJ) in 1964. This research focuses on this founding organization of the Soviet Jewry movement as of 1972. Specifically, it i) provides a variety of demographic data on past and present SSSJ members, 2) develops and provides results of a test of a paradigm on morality, effectiveness, and involvement in a voluntary association, and 3) presents responses of Soviet Jewry activists to open-ended questions | on the Soviet Jewry movement, and on SSSJ in particular.

JEWISH STUDENTS' .i%TITUDES TOWARD THE HOLOCAUST: A SUMMARY By Wt]ilam B. Helmreich, Cc.!!ege, CUNY

City

Forty-two students at various Northeastern Universities were interviet~ed as to their views on various aspects of the Holocaust~ The article Is called Ho~ Jet:ish Scudents View the Holocaust: A Preliminary Ap-

~ra{sai

(R.e~ss~oh's'e; S p r i n g ) ,

M--0~e ~han--~O~'-~the students had read something on the Holocaust although further probing revealed a lack of real understanding of specific aspects of the Holocaust. By a 57% to 36% margin (7% undecided) they were willing to visit Germany. Reacting to the Jewish response to the Holocaust in Europe nearly half the students were highly

6

critical, referring to Jews of that era as cowards, fools, or worse. Almost no one felt that the Holocaust has resulted in a fundamental shift in the way the Jew is perceived. Opinion was split down the middle as to whether or not a Holocaust could occur in the U.S. Among the most striking conclusions to emerge from the data are I. Young Jews today have a serious problem in terms of their self-image concerning the Holocaust. One could detect a strong sense of shame and resentment at being compelled to bear what they saw as a burden of cowardice on the part of their own people. 2. There exists a serious problem in terms of how much Jewish youth today know about the Holocaust. 3. Jewish youth today are very anxious and uncertain of their status as Jews in the U.S. (More than two-thlrds believed there was a good deal of anti-Semitism in the U.S.). Rather than using heavy statistical data, the article includes many excerpts from the interviews themselves.

PATTERNS OF INTERETHNIC M A R R I A G E AND FR'IENDS}~IP I N - T H E UNITE~ STATES: A Dissertation Abstract By Steven Martin Cohen, Queens College, CUNY, and the Center for Policy Research By analysing the patterns, d e t e r mlnants and consequences of interethnic marriage and friendship in two surveys of American and New York adults, this dissertation examines three theories of ethnic assimilation in the United States. The Melting Pot model predicts eventual complete assimilation of

Page 7

American ethnic groups. The assimilation is ostensibly associated with increasing nativity in this country and social status attainment. The Cultural Pluralist model predicts a levelling off of assimilation rates by the second or third generation. Assimilation is not seen as necessarily correlated with social class. The TTiple Melting Pot differs from the Melting Pot in that it predicts ethnic assimilation within the religious boundaries of the three major American religions. In addition, the Melting Pot model foresees intergroup hostility should groups fail to assimilate. The Cultural ~lurallsts believe ethnics ~ho remain in the ethnic community are happier individuals having closer ties with their family and friends. The three theories fall to take into account factors ~Jhich might result in differential rates of assimilation among e~hnic groups. These factors include size, residential concentration, socioeconomic concentratiDn, ethnic ideology and institutions, reception by host America, l ~ u t a b l e physical distinctions, and distinctive personality characteristics. Analysing the patterns of interethnic anrriage and friendship in the national data, ~e find: (I) older immi~l~ant group2 have lower intraethnic ~s~ocia~ion rates; (2) interethnic association is somewhat clrcumscrlbed by religious boundaries and the dividing line between old (Northern and Western European) and new (all other) ethnic groups. The New York data reveal the persistence of two ethnic groups, the Jews and Italians, and 5he eventual merging of blacks (American and British West

Indians), the Latlns (Puerto Ricans, Cubans, and Dominicans), and white Christians (especially British, Germans, and Irish). Both New York and the national data reveal the effect of group size and residential concentration. Also, non-uniform assimilation rates reveal the importance of host reception, ideology, institutional resources and other factors introduced in the first chapter. Analysing the determinants of intraethnic marriage and friendship in the national data we find: (i) children of ethnically endogamous parents are more likely to marry endogamously and the effect is more pronounced among new immigrant groups; (2) intraethnic marriage and friendship are highly associated especially among new ethnics; (3) social class, age, and class bomogamy are generally unrelated with ethnic endogamy or intraetbnic friendship. The New York data reveal zero order associations between e d u c a t i o n and income, and intragroup association among some groups. These relations are generally explained, though, when generation and group membership are controlled for. The following notions concerning the consequences of ethnic assimilation failed to find support in the data: people who fall to assimilate
Page

and intraethnic friendship as well as ethnic group membership are more important predictors of ethnic consciousness than education, income, age or sex. The concluding chapter suggests there is strong evidence supporting the notion of diverse rather than uniform processes of ethnic assimilatfon among the various American ethnic groups. Though different groups may show siena of remaining distinctive, they do so for different reasons. The blacks, for example, do not assimilate because of white preJudice; Jews, because of their survivalist ideology and institutions; and Spanish Americans because of distinctive subculture nurtured by geographically close homelands.

RELIGION ON THE CENSUS? By S.M. Schreter, of Economics

London School

Around midway through the 195Os, the 1960s, and now it seems, the 1970s, the debate about whether religion should be included in the American decennial census hots up. If the debate runs true to form, we should find professional sociologists and demographers, the great majority of Catholic organizations, and a majority of Protestant bodies favouring inclusion, with a few liberal organizations such as the American Civil Liberties Union, and the full weight of the Jewish "establishment," including the AJ Congress, the AJ Committee, and the B'nai B'rith Anti-Defamatlon League, vehemently opposing it--and winning. It is neither my purpose nor within my competence to attempt a systematic refutation of the anti-lnclusion arguments. This

8

is already available in the concise and excellent chapter on "Religious Statistics in the United States" in William Petersen's The Politics of Population (Double--d~y & Co., 19--~4; Anchor Books edition, 1965). But a few of his and other points might be worth reviewing. The sensitivity of the issue is not to be under-estimated. The primary example was provided by the circumstances surrounding the experimental inclusion of a rellgious item in one of the monthly Current Population Surveys of the Bureau of the Census in March, 1957. The sample covered over 35,000 households across the country, and only 1% refused to respond to the religious query. The initial breakdowns were published in due course (U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Current Population Reports, Series P-20, Number 79, 2 Feb., 1958), but the promised social and economic correlates were held back. Petersen commented: "I know of no other instance in its lone and honorable record when data actually assembled by the Census Bureau were suppressed. This morally disturbing, possibly even illegal, act would be inconceivable with respect to statistics on any other subject." (op. cir., p. 261) For Jews it is commonly assumed the issue boils down to a historlcally-ingrained wariness of both governmental authority and socioeconomic conspicuousness. Neither can be laughed off, certainly not in an age when technology appears almost to ,! have outstripped its "masters, the CIA and IRS engage in questionable political activities (to put it mildly), wellintentioned "affirmative action" is seen by some as the forerunner of rigid quotas, and the legitimacy of Diaspora Jewry's financial and political links with Israel

P'age

comes under attack (cf. the recent uproar over General Brown's thoughts on the subject, or the full-page ad entitled "Shouldn't Britain Come First?" in the London Times of ii December 1974). Some questions are unanswerable. What if a proto-fasclst and antiJewish regime seized power in an America reeling from the effects of economic and political crises? Who knows? But the sardonic wisdom of our paranoid times--"Don't wait to be hunted to hlde"--Is not very helpful. Such a regime would not need census data to round up its Jews. The far more up-to-date UJA donor lists and Jewish organizational rosters would do very nicely. The census would probably have provided an effective non-response category ("No Religion" or "Other") under which non-identifying Jews could disappear anyway. But if this is the type of scenario in Jewish minds, what possible rationale could there be for pouring all that money and energy into a National Jewish Population Study, whose findings may be menacing? Wouldn't such resources be better employed in the planning of mass escape routes? Does this degree of alarmism actually exist anywhere in American Jewry? It should be mentioned that part of the 1957 survey data became available in 1967, when Congress passed the Freedom of Information Act. (Unfortunately, not all of it had been preserved .... ) Subsequent analyses based on this information (see Sidney Goldstein, American Journal of So ioloKy , ~ 6 9 - ; Thomas P. Monahan, Journal for the Scientific Stud Z off Religion (JS--S-~7, 10:2, 1971; Samuel A. Mueller and Angela V. Lane, JSSR, ll:l, 1972) have had no political or economic consequences I know of, but they have contributed positively to the demography of American rellgion.

.9

It could well be argued that ignorance feeds prejudice, and that anything which d i m i n i s h e s ignorance must be to the good. A good liberal position, which somehow rings hollow these days. For in response, can not a little knowledge be a dangerous thing? A little knowledge, which is precisely all racists and antiSemltes normally have, is d e f i n itely dangerous, and can only be remedied by fuller knowledge, comes the liberal retort. Petersen's summation illustrates admirably: "The principal argument for including a question on rellgion in the Census, in short, is the humanist one that knowledge is good, and more complete and accurate knowledge is better."

(op. clt., p.27o) Ideally the argument should end here, resolved in favour of high principles and the search for truth. If this were the last word, it would be next to impossible to Justify the expenditure of scarce Jewish resources on a data-gathering exercise whose resulks, when they are published in full, ~ill probably be challenged on methodological grounds (sampling), and most of whose objectives could be accomplished far more efficiently and exhaustively (and at no communal expense) by the Census Bureau's incorporation of a religious item into its questionnaire. Even so, the task does not seem to me to be easy. But beyond any statements of principle, I cannot help but wonder whether an incipient acceptance of certain anti-Semitic a l l e g a tlons about the Jews lurks beneath the surface, as if to say: "'We' realty do monopolize this or that profession or area of commerce; uhat would happen i f it came out in public? If we do really need certain demographic Infornmtlon for communal purposes, better to gather it on our own,

l~ge i0 and to retain control over the data, even if it is more costly and less efficient." To such a hypothetical position, I can think of only three responses: (i) The original allegations are exaggerated and unreal, but can only conclusively be proved so by obtaining the full facts. To persist in such fears without acting to refute them is not only counterproductive, but also a throwback to a type of Jewish d e f e n s i v e n e s s we should by now have transcended. (9) In the unlikely event that Jews do enjoy an exclusive and illegal stranglehold in some area of the economy, it is certainly no duty of Jewish social scientists or defense organizations to help them, by their actions or inactions, to perpetuate it. (3) If the American situation has so degenerated that the status and security of Jews is perceived by them to depend on widespread ignorance of their income and occupational distribution, then there are far more urgent matters to worry about than religious questions on the census. "Ignorance" in thls context would connote dangerously wrong, stereotyped information rather than benign oblivion, and religious demographic data would be unlikely to influence the situation more than marginally, either way.

(The following is a reply to the question off whether the ASSJ should endeavor to have a question on religion placed on the U.S. Census, written by Professor Calvin Goldscheider of Hebrew University, especially for the Newsletter.) In terms of your question about whether the ASSJ should p~ess for placing a question on rell-

glon in the U.S. census of 1980, my reaction is a mixed one and perhaps unorthodox. Asking a question on religion in the U.S. census would be an a p p r o p r i a t e stimulus for soclologlcal-demographic research and would provide, without doubt, a series of data tbat cannot be obtained from other sources in America. Moreover, such data would clarify some basic but obscure issues associated with the social-demographic situation and d y n a m i c s of the American Jewish population. I have no doubt that the necessity of obtaining such a basic picture exists and there is no question that the cheapest, most efficient, reliable, complete and appropriate source for data of this kind is the census. Nevertheless, several considerations argue against an effort on the part of ASSJ to attempt to lobby actively for the inclusion of the question on religion in the census. It Just seems to me that the probability of success is sufficiently low that the major effort that would be required is somewhat misdirected. Secondly, it should be recognized that the inclusion of the r e l i g i o n question in the census will not yield results for the more detailed serious sociological issues of American Jewry that have not been studied. Thirdly, I often have the feeling that the desire to "finally" include a question on rel~glon in the census is a major cop-out" for Jewish organizations to continue in their non-support of sociology of American Jews. Jewish organizations have not yet recognized the basic necessity for them to spend the necessary funds to study sociological aspects of the American Jewls~] community. (And to my great sorrow, the National Jewish Population Study--from the provisional, tentative results that I have seen--will not meet minimum expectatlons.)

D~e In short, given a restricted amount of energy to devote to t h e collection of data about Jews, it seems to me more appropriate, efficient and more likely to yield long-term results to proceed along two alternative paths: (I) Pressing for the annual inclusion of a religion question on the Current Population Survey of the census bureau--similar to the 1957 CPS, alternating the yearly question when fertility, migration, mobility supplements are included. Tbls would allow for a more immediate goal--rather than 1980-an annual series to get at dynamics, and a variety of topics to be studied. While the number of Jewish cases will be small (my guess is about 1,O00 Jewish households per CPS, assuming representative samples of 35-40,000 are taken), the opposition to such an inclusion will be much less severe than to an inclusion in the census. (2) A concerted effort should be made to bring to ~he attention of the major Jewish organizations the necessity of doing basic detailed sociological studies and of the need for ~heir financial support. I don~t think it necessary for me to reiterate the well-known areas of needed research on American Jewry (almost all could be included) or the absence of major financial support and encouragement for such studies. Efforts directed toward such a goal from the ASSJ might move the wheels of reaction against Jewish social science research into a new era. Despite the enormous difficulties associated with getting a religion question into official data collection systems, no lesser difficulties are associated with getting Jewish organizations to sponsor regular soclal-science surveys on the Jews. Certainly there are enough Jewish organizational brlck walls in tbls area to give the ASSJ a headache of migraine proportions. My orientation would be to press on all fronts but cleaning house appears of greater priority.

ii

I know there are many additioffal pros and cons to the issues associated with the inclusion of a religion question on the census. These have been argued formally and informally over the years. The continuing ambivalence and often hostility of Jewish organizations and the Jewish community to such issues have cooled in recent years but there is still less unanimity on thls score than one would hope. In any case, I hope you are successful in your efforts and the mere fact that the ASSJ has been formed and is interested in such questions seems to me a major turning point, the momentum of which should be encouraged.

Seymour B. Liebman has notified the Newsletter of the following papers and publications: 1. "Sephardic Ethniclty in the Spanish New World Colonies," read at the XLIst Congres 0 Internaclonal de Americanlstas which was at the September 5, 1974 session. 2. An article on "Argentine Jewry: its History, Ethnlcity and Problems," in the December issue of Midstream. 3. Jews and the Inquisition o f Mexico: The Great Auto de F@ of i - ~ 9 is, except for the introduction, notes and bibliography, my translation of the Relaci6n of the auto de f 6 printed in M e x i c o in 1649 and written by M a t h l a s de Bocanegra. S.J. Sociologists of religion will be very interested in this book because it contains the sermon delivered at the auto, which Is an outstanding example of the Catholic theology of the seventeenth century and has some novel (from a Jewish point of view) exegesis. The book is 260 pages and is published by Coronado Press, Lawrence, Kansas 660h4.

P~ge 12 The Relacion is the longest that I have ever seen and the auto involved 1O~ persons charged with being Jews. h. Another book by Professor Lieb~an, The Inquisitors and the Jews in the New Wo~ld (U. of Miami Press~ is primarily of interest to historians. However, those interested in demography and geneologies will find abundant material since I have included ancestors and their abodes in the Iberian Peninsula and other parts of the world. The period covered in this book is from 1500 to 1820. JEWISH INTHALINGUISTICS : A SSLq4PTIONS, M E T H O D S j GQALS~_~AND S A M F L ~ PROBLEMS: An Abstract By David L. Gold A partial axiomatizatlon of Jewish intralingulstlcs, the comparative study of the speech of Jews and related groups. This discipline provides a framework for the individual and comparative study of at least 29 named varieties (Aragonic, Aramlc, Basquic, Berberlc, Bretonic, Bukharic, Catalanic, Crlmchak, Dzhudezmo, Dzhudi, Gasconic, Geezic, Gruzlnic, Hebrew, Italkian, Karsitic, Knaanlc, Kurdlsbic, Latlnlc, Leonic, Marathic, Farsic, Portuguesic, Shuadit, Tatlc, Yahudic, Yevanlc, Yiddish, Zarphatic) and an unlimited number of unnamed ones (Jewish varieties of English, French, Spanish, etc.); the discipline also embraces the study of numerous secondary problems such as the extent to which Jewish varieties provide information on their non-Jewish correlates, the influences of Jewish varieties on non-Jewish varieties, etc., as well as general issues in (soclo) linguistics such as the emergence and development of new varieties, languages in contact, language obsolescence, etc. This overview

of the field is followed by a brief discussion of 8 sample problems: (a) religion and Jewish languages; (b) the reckoning of time and its reflection in Jewish languages; (c) second-person pronouns in some Jewish languages; (d) some parallelisms between various Jewish languages; (e) problems in the standardization of Jewish languages; (f) the influence of Hebrew liturgy on Jewish languages; (g) problems in the Hebrew-Aramlc component of Jewish languages; (h) Intracommunal, Interco~munal, governmental, and international functions of Jewish languages.

Some Problems Relatlng to C o n temporary History: An E x p l o r a ~ tory Study of American Jewish Feminism By Alan Silverstein, Jewish Theological Seminary The recent phenomenon of American Jewish feminism merits historical study, noting its origins, its achievements and its recent change of focus. The movement's vanguard organization, Ezrat Nashlm, for example, has already ended its brief fling with public activism. Founded in 1971 as a study group within the counterculturlst New York Havurah, these women brought the message of religious liberation to the media and to the congregations of the Conservative Movesent during a sometimes turbulent three year stint. They have become, however, increasingly introspective as a consciousness raising group, setting only internal goals. The investigation of Ezrat Nashim's moment of prominence raises. serious problems for the social scientist, notably in terms of sources.

~age 13

First of all, bhese antl-instltutional women were disdainful of the bureaucratic commitment necessary for amassing files, correspondence, flnanelal records, minute books, even diaries and the llke. For~unateiy, a young historian, Paula Hyman, reflecting a belated sense of history, at last did collect a mini-archive, conslating of articles written about Ezrat Nashlm, as well as isolated study guides, letters, and programmatic materials utillzed by the group. Oral history also proved of checkered value. On tI~e one hand, the limited size of the organization (under 20) and their concentration in the New York area made contact easy and convenient. On the o~her hand, however, lacking written records as a corrective, the Interviewer was forced into a spiralling quest for accuracy and completeness of data, with each successive interview baring new events and perspectives, often necessitating a full re-evaluation of the project. As such new data was uncovered, informants--relylng solely upon their "off-the--cuff" memorles--had to be contacted once again in what could have become a never-endlng process. A final problem was a conceptual one, going beyond the sources and into the realm of ~heory. Should these women be considered as part of the larger women's movement or as part of the Jewlsl: counterculture, or both? Most had not been active in the general feminist or left-wing political movements, yet were often knowledgeable of the ideology of liberation. Most had been integral parts of the Camp Ramah-Havurah Conservative Movement axis and yet made conscious efforts to separate from the male-dominaLed Jewish student movement.

The problem of balancing such-concepts, of balancing a dearth of sources with an abundance of recollections, and of separating personal biases from a contemporary problem, made this study fascinating, frustrating and thoroughly wort~while. Professor Henry R. Huttenbach has sent us the following note: A few months ago, I published a book entitled Th__~eEmigratign Book of Worms: The Character and D i m e n s i o n o__f_fth___~eJe_wish Exodus from a small German Jewish Communlt 2, 1933-19~71 ,Koblenz, 1 9 7 ~ J On the one hand, the book compares various a s p e c t s of emigration to other Jewish communities in Germany, finding, on the whole, that while in general terms the emigration out of Worms resembled that of G e r m a n y as a whole, in specific terms it reflected regional and local conditions that are central to an understanding of what actually transpired in this specific community. On the other hand, the book analyses both the impact of emigration on the devolution of the community and evaluates to what extent emigration was a means of escape from Nazism until its defeat in 1945. The book is based on (and includes) a detailed llst of emigrants kept by a resident who did not survive. My own specialty is the internal history and life of German Jewish communities in the Nazi era. Towards that end, I am preparing a sequel to the first book which will be published next year in Jerusalem, namely, a study of the social and cultural llfe of the Worms Jewish community b e t w e e n 1933 and 1938. A third book, to appear tl~e following year in Germany, will deal with the years of destruction, i938-19~2--from the Kristallnacht to the deportations.

Page 14 KEHILLAT KODF.SH: DECIPIiEJIING A MODERN" OI{THODO'X JE'WI~S}[ SYNAGOG'UE A Dissertation Abstract By Samuel C. Heilman, lege, CUNY

Queens

Col-

This d i s s e r t a t i o n is an attempt at analysis and ethnography of a modern orthodox Jewish synagogue. The structure and content of activities in the synagogue--Including prayer, study and assembly-are subjected to microsoclological analysis along many of the lines set forth in the work of Erring Goffman. In the process, various larger sociological and social psychological issues are raised. These include discussions of: the definition of the situation as it evolves from action, collective identity, the nature of involvement, s o c l a b i ~ , and the social dlmenslons of time, space and material objects. Special attention is given to delineating the determinants of community among the membership of such a part-tlme institution as a synagogue. In this vein, special attention is given to the sociological category of gossip and its social functions.

activities sponsored by the synagogue and as well spent many hours in informal and open-ended interview with synagogue members. Throughout, the author would discuss his findings and impressions with members of the d i s s e r t a t i o n committee, other social scientists and one or two informants from the synagogue congregation. Since one of the primary p u r p o s e s of the study was to provide a detailed insider's view of the setting as well as the sociologic behind it, the results are difficult to abstract. Briefly, modern orthodox Jews were found to have a need to accommodate the dual desires of being cosmopolitan and parochial. At the same time that they wish to be neither remote from nor uncharacteristic of life in the contemporary, cosmopolitan world, they wish to retain allegiance to the parochial d e m a n d s of Jewish law and tradition which the synagogue manifestly symbolizes.

The procedure utilized for the gathering of data consisted prlmarily of participant observation in a particular urban. modern orthodox synagogue in the eastern United States. Necessarily, such an approach demands an intermingling of discussion of issues specific to this particular setting and those indigenous to modern orthodox Jewish synagogues in general. The particular setting was chosen because of its ap~aren~ similarity to such institutions in general.

Secondly, the shift between cosmopolitanism and parochialism is but a macrosoclological m a n f f e s t a tion of something that may be viewed analogically in the activities in the synagogue. Prayer, study and assembly reveal themselves to be composed of a series of shifting involvements which come to make up a definition of the situation. The shifts are accomplished smoothly and according to structured procedures. Thus, prayer, for example, is a baseline involvement in w o r s h i p with accompanying other involvements in study and sociabillty-all of which together make up a larger definition of the situation.

For three years, one and one half of which were spent in organized data collection, the author lived among the members of this particular synagogue. He partlcipa~ed in most of the

Thirdly, gossip is heavily utilized to aid in the smooth functloning of the collectivity. It is used to maintain bonding in the face of many situational disruptions of llfe in the Jewish environment.

Page 15

It is subject to many of the rules of prestation and used to sanction members. Indeed, gossip, a verbal tool indicative of the importance attached to words among such Jews, is one of the primary activities of the collectivity. Finally, particular events, activities and individuals stand as collective representations, endowed with collective concern and used for self-evaluation by the group. The existence of the group comes to be symbolized by these representations. This study tries to find itself not only a part of the corpus of work on the sociology of Jews but also among works in ethnomethodology and small group sociology.

MEDICAL AND HEALTH ORIENTATIONS OF AMERICAN JEWS: A CASE OF DIMINISHING DISTINCTIVENESS: An Abstract by Joseph Greenblum, University

Yeshiva

The full article appears in Social Science ~ Medicine, Vol. 8, pp]- i27-134. Abstract--Studies that have found distinctive attitudes to health and medical care between Jews and other ethnic and religious groups in the United States are re-examined. An analysis of unpublished as well as published data, including those from several representative samples In New York City, indicate that such attitudes have been affected by social changes. The analysis demonstrates that differences diminish or disappear as these groups improve their socio-economic status and become more integrated in American society.

THANK YOU A special Thank You is due to the Department of Sociology of the University of Alabama at Birmingham for their assistance in the production of the current Newsletter. Their consideration a-~nd cooperation is greatly appreciated. The editor would also llke to express his gratitude to Ms. Zahava Sompolinsky for her very significant contribution to the publication of this issue of the ASSJ Newsletter.

Professor Victor D. Sanua, of City College, CUNY, has been over the years one of the most active scholars in the field of the sociological study of Jewry. Among his recent papers and publications are: "Can We Reach the Unaffiliated Jew?" published in New Directions in the Jewish Family and CommunltM, edited by Gilbert S. Rosenthal. New York: Commission on Synagogue Relations, Federation of Jewish Philanthropies, 1974. "The Attitudes of American Jews toward Israel," published in Studies on Jewish Themes b ~ Contemporary American Scholar_~s, edited by A. Tartakower and H. Ormian. Tel Aviv (Israel): Yavne Publishing House, Ltd., 1974. "Community Studies on Sephardim in the United States. " A paper read at the VIth International C o n g r e s s of Jewish Studies, Jerusalem,

Page 16

August 1973. To appear in the Proceedings of the Conference. The paper will also be published in an edited book being prepared by the Sephardic D~vision of the Jewish Agency. Jew' ~sn ' Fatal ~ 9 .,e Jon~empor ~. ...~. J .' y" : i Review of the_ Socia" ~<~ienc~,. _ Literature, published in the Journal of Jewish Communal Setvice, Vol. L, No. ~, Summer, 1974.

In addition, Professor Sanua was on sabbatical in Israel during 1973-74 and was present during the October War. He took the opportunity at that time to carry out research on the psychological effects of the war. One paper, "The Psychological Effects of the Yom Kippur War," appeared in The New York State Psychologist ]Tart I, December, 1973. Part II, June, 1974, and Part III, September, 1974). Another piece of work on "The Attitude of Foreign Students Attending Israeli Universities During the Yom Kippur War" was recently presented at the Eastern Psychological Association Convention in New York City, this past April. Professor Sanua is particularly interested in contacting any other social scientists who were in Israel durlng the October War and have conducted research on the impact of the War. Please write Professor Victor D. Sanua, School of Education, City College, CUNY, New York, N.Y. 10031.

9H~ ANT}{ROP01,OGICAL S PUDY OF JEWS (Recently, the editor of the Newsletter became aware of the extraordinary work of Professor Barbara Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, and her students, in the ethnographic and anthropological study of Jewish life. Since Professor KirshenblattGimblett is involved in developing

and stimulating so much original research in this area, we solicited the following letter from her.) Thank you for your letter of May 7, 1975. Here is the information you requested. My courses in the Jewish area incl~de: Anthropological study of Ashkenazic Jewry, I. Synchronlc-functlonal analysis of Ashkenazic Jewish culture in the Old and New World. The anthropology of Ashkenazic Jewry as a field of study in the context of European intellectual history with reference to recent developments in the study of complex societies. Anthropological study of Ashkenazic Jewry, II. A field study of Ashkenazic Jewry. The major assignment: a field project on some aspect of Ashkenazlc culture utilizing informants in the New York City area. The analysis of these field data provides the basis for class discussion. Yiddish folklore: An Introduction. Traditional genres and forms of Yiddish folklore: proverbs, riddles, curses, folktales, folksongs, games, and folk drama; work with informants, documentary field recordings, and archival materials. Discussion of (1) problems in terminology, definition, and classification of genres of Yiddish folklore; (2) history, distribution, and regional variation; (3) stylistic, structural, and content analysis; (4) function and meaning; (5) interaction of Yiddish folklore 4 popular culture, and literature; (6) the concept of "Jewish" humor; (7) the "Jewishness" of Jewish folklore; (8) the emergence of a New World Jewish folklore and culture. Conducted in English. Yiddish folklore. Prerequisite: the instructor's permission.

~ge

Introduction to the forms and varieties of Yiddish folklore and to problems in their analysis. Proverbs, riddles, oaths, blessings, curses, songs and music, tales, ritual, drama, folk art. Approaches include ethnography of communication, structural analysis, regional variation. Focus on role of expressive behavior in social life. Work with informants in interviews and natural settings, field trips to traditlon-orlented communities, documentary field recordings, archival materials. Research in the ethnography of East European Jewry. Prerequisite: Y_~Iddish W4302, Yiddish G9501 if it devoted to readings in the anthropology of East European Jewry, or the instructor's permission. Students investigate selected problems by working with informants. Readings in Jewish and general anthropology provide a basis for the formulation of research problems in such areas as kinship, social organization, ritual, power, intergroup relations, institutions, expressive behavior, and world view. Other courses clude:

I have

taught

in-

The Yiddish Folktale Field Research in Comparative Jewish Folk Music Topics in Yiddish Ethnomusicology Research Seminar in Yiddish Folklore I have taught all o f these courses jointly in the Yiddish Studies Program of the Department of Linguistlcs at Columbia University and the Max Welnrelch Center for Advanced Jewish Studies, YIVO, over the last three years. The Yiddish Folklore course has also been given at the University of Pennsylvania and the University of Texas.

17

Almost all the courses involved field research of one kind of another. Let me describe some of the projects turned in for the introductory Yiddish Folklore course since students in this course have varying amounts of background and usually few language skills (some know Hebrew, but, with the exception of the Columbia and MWC students, only a few in Philadelphia know Yiddish). The aim of the projects is to give them a sense of what it really means to do research in this field and to make them realize the kinds of expertise required, language, religious knowledge, history, etc. (1) a nursing student, Barbara Lewis did a very interesting paper on Jewish traditional practices in Grief and Mourning in light of recent psychological and psychiatric work on crisis intervention and the grieving process. (2) Beverly Miller, a sociology major, did a fine ethnography of two functioning Chevra Kadlsha organizations in Baltimore, one for men and the other for women. (3) Yaei Zerubavel, a folklore graduate student, wrote "Lag Ba'Omer: A Comparative Study of Folk Conceptlon," in which she examines the historical d e v e l o p ment of the festival and the tradltional interpretations of its origins and the customs related to it and then, on the basis of a questionnaire survey, compares the conceptions of Lag B~'Omer held by American and Israeli Jews. The differences and her attempts to explain them are very suggestive. (4) Beverly Segal did a sensitive ethnography of a present day bris in Philadelphia among conservative Jews, attending to small group interaction as well as the formal

Page 18

ritual

behaviors.

(5) Carol Silverman, a folklore graduate student, did a beautiful ethnography of domestic interiors of five Jewish families in one area of the Ukraine. She used various techniques to elicit data so she could reconstruct these interiors. Her approach utilized recent work in proxemlcs and the organization and utilization of space. She attempted to relate her findings to economic and religious factors. (6) Over the years several students have done an ethnography of communication study of a Passover seder, attending not only to the halakhlc and minhag aspects of the formal ritual but to the informal behaviors. We have developed field guides for this purpose. (7) Richard Jacobs attempted an analysis of Hasldic kinship systems in light of structural theory. (8) Debble Weiss looked at char'Ismatic leadership in the Lubavitsh community. (9) Alan Silversteln, a grad~ate student in Jewish history and at Jewish Theological Seminary, examined "The Ideology and Practice of Instrumental and Choral Music in the American Synagogue." He examined the rabbinal response on these issues and then surveyed 91 conservative congregations to establish what in fact people did and some of their reasons. (iO) Peter Miller examined the utilization of modern technology by Hasldim and modern orthodox Jews in New York City, including the many innovations for the Sabbath (Sabbath elevators, shabes-zeyger for refrigerators, etc.). He was interested I n how technology was used to meet

modern needs while satisfying Halakhic injunctions. The areas of inconsistency were of special interest, for example, it is all right to travel 'vertically" in a Shabes elevator programmed to stop at each floor automatically and in some cases, even adjusted so that the motor wouldn't have to work harder w h e n more people entered. But traveling "horizontally" in a bus, driven in any event by a d r i v e n who has to stop at each stop regardless of whether you get on or off, is not allowed on the Sabbath. Among the papers written for other courses where knowledge Yiddish was required are:

of

(ii) Toby Dobkln, "Yiddish Tales about Vitslers; A Problem in Structural Analysis and Genre Definition." Utilizing recent work in sociollngulstics and folklore on interrogative routines and ludic routines of vlc~Imization, Toby analyzed a corpus of Yiddish folktales about named pranksters (Hershele Ostropolyer, Motke Khabad, Efroyim Greydiger, etc.) recorded from oral t r a d i t i o n in Eastern Europe in the early part of this century. She related her findings to work done on ritual clowns. (12) Amy Schneider did an ethnographic study of the behavior complex associated with food, on the basis of an in-depth case study of one woman from Lagev, Poland. Tape-recorded interviews with this woman provided the data for the study. Amy's extensive questionnaire covered the minutiae of how foods were procured, how they were prepared and served, the symbolic and ritual significance of foods, food and social class, economics, ethnic identity, technology, ecology, notions of sickness and health, etc.

Page 19

(13) Susan Slotnik -- Critical Discussion of the Contributions of Soviet Yiddish Folklorists: 1926-1963. She defines the major periods, examines the institutional basis for research in the Soviet Union and the Journals and monographs they published before examining the theoretical concerns, methods, and accomplishments of Soviet Yiddish folklorists. In addition to these field oriented research papers, we generally try to schedule a field trip each year. So far we've visited Stoliner, Bobover, Popover, Satmarer, and Lubavitsher congregations for Simhat Torah and Succoth, Purim, and weddings. Students write field reports on the basis of field guides developed in the context of the course and various research projects, e.g., one conducted by Jlll Gellerman and NEH funded, on Hasldic dance. She is videotaping and doing labanotations and effort-shape analyses. Another project is on contemporary Purim celebrations in the New York area by Shifra Epstein. The field guides in addition to requiring students to orient themselves to the event as a whole, focused on various areas of "expressive" behavior," such as singing, dancing, clowning, informal interaction, folk drama (a play was performed at Bobov), etc. We also bring informants into the classroom and elicit from them information pertaining to various problems addressed by the course. At the University of Pennsylvania, I have been able to videotape these sessions. Otherwise we tape record them. So far we have used both males and females born in Europe to deal with child-rearing and socialization, kinship and marriage, social organization,

stratification and expressive

and power, behavior.

ritual

As you can see, the field research ranges from observations of contemporary Jewish communities and individuals of all persuasions to reconstruction or historical ethnography of East European Jewish life in its various aspects. Participant observation, interviews, surveys, questionnaires are all part of the methodology and the student papers are problem-orlented. Wherever there are Jews, there is work to be done. The more students know about Jewish religion and history and the better their language skills, the better. We work with students wherever they find themselves. My priorities in the introductory class are that a student should use whatever he has and should really have an intense experience working with primary data as best he can at this stage. A second priority is the lasting value his research may have beyond the learning experience afforded him. My hope is he will realize from his research how exciting the field is and what he would need to do in order to equip h i m s e l f properly for doing significant work. ARTICLES AND PUBLICATIONS I NTERE ST

OF

Samuel Heilman--"The Gift of Alms: Face-to-Face Almsgiving Among Orthodox Jews," in Urban Life and Culture, Vol. 3, N o . - - - ~ J a - - ~ r y 1975). Will Maslow--The Structure a n d Functioning of the American Je__~wi sh Communlty. Published Jointly by the American Jewish Congress and the American S e c t l o n o f the World Jewish Congress (15 East 84th Street~ New York 10028, $i.00, 1974).

.T'.'q:., e

Stephen Sharot--"Minorlty Situation and Religious Acculturation: A Comparative Analysis of Jewish Communities," in Cqmpara_tlve Studies in Soclety and History, I--~:379-35-~ (1974). ANNO UNCEMENTS This summer, June 22-25, there will be a Yiddish Studies Colloquium, sponsored jointly by the Max Welnyeich Center for Advanced Jewish Studies, YIVO, and the Yiddish Studies Program of Columbia University. For details, copy of the programs, etc., contact: Ms. YadJa Zeltman (535-6700) YIVO 1048 Fifth Avenue New York, N.Y. i0028 Four sessions of special interest to soc.lologlsts-soclal scientists are : (I) Yiddish Folklore: Eastern Europe. Toby Dobkln--Problems of structural analysis and genre definition in the Yiddish vitsler tale. Susan Slotnlk--Contrlbutlons of Soviet Yiddish Folklorists: 1926-1963. (2) Western Yiddish area: Stephen Lowenstein and Bruno Stern. (To include a fantastic audlo-vlsual slide presentation by Mr. Shtern, a printer by trade, of his hometown in southern Germany, and Jewish llfe there before 1939. His family saved a personal archive covering a 200 year period during which they lived in this town.) (3) Ethnography of Jewish Cony,J:egations in Ame_r_Ica. Samuel Hellman (Assistant Professor of Sociology, queens College), "Deciphering a shul." (4) Ylddish_ llngulstlcs. Marvin Herzog--research design, objectives and findings of the Language and Culture Atlas of Ashkenazlc Jewry founded by Urlel Welnreich.

Jtq

Presentation to be accompanied by slides and field recordings of Yiddish dialects. The most sophisticated language and culture atlas ever, based on structural principles. Not-to-be-mlssed. In addition, anyone interested in subscribing or contributing to the Max Welnrelch Center for Advanced Jewish Studies, YIVO, Working Papers in Yiddls.h and Eastern. European S t.udles, should contact Ms, Zeltman, at the above address. ~T ~SI r AND GEt,TILES: THE HISTORI ~AL SCCICLOGY OF' THE'IR RELATIONS By Werner J. Cahnman I have been working on a comprehensive, yet concentrated, account of Jewlsh-Gentile relations for a long time. I believe that a scholarly conceived, yet fluidly written, account of JewishGentile relations is essential for the self-understanding of the present generation. The topic of the Jewish experience among the peoples in the midst of whom the Jews llve is not identical, although it is overlapping, with the usual histories of antlsemltlsm. If the focus is on antlsemltism, Jewish history is made to appear as if it were the record of unmitigated hostility against the Jewish people and of passivity on the part of the Jews. Jewlsh-Gentile relations refer to the mutuality of contacts, positive as well as antagonistic, even if conflict situations continue to require particular attention. Further, the account, while following a historical sequence, is sociological in conception. The question is whether patterns are recognizable that are common to all, or almost all, ages and places in which Jewish history has been enacted. At the same time, while such general patterns

Fage 2! may be recognizable, the additional question arises as to the modifications and combinations of patterns which must be assumed to have occurred. Thus, as the story reaches from Roman antiquity over the middle ages and the era of emancipation to Hitler and beyond to the present American and Israeli scene, both basic similarities and varying dissimilarities may be discerned. One can say that Marxian, Weberian, Toenniesian, Simmellan, Parsonian, and other theses are implicitly, yet unobtrustively tested. .The soclo-economic basis of human relations, which Marx and others have emphasized, are made viably present. The Jews are a "marginal trading people" in the park-Becket sense, they are "strangers" and "intermediaries" in the understanding of Simmel and Toennies. They are no~ "pariahs," as Max Weber thought he could demonstrate. Yet, a remarkable affinity to Weber's ProtestanIsm-capitallsm argument is evident if one considers the origin of Jewish-Christian relations in a bitter theological argument and its subsequent transformation, by means of the usury privilege, into an antagonism which is of a pronouncedly socio-economic character. The nineteenth century adds the political dimension and the biological distortion. Numerous other conceptualizations are considered, for instance, the Juxtaposition of the "mythical Jew" and the "actual Jew." The "mythlcal Jew" is the monster of the centuries, the "actual Jew" may be a friend and a helper. Throughout, symbolizations are used, such as the defeated Synagogue, Judas Iscariot, Ahasver, Rothschild, the Elders of Zion, even the Maccabees. 01d images in a new'garb reappear with regard to the Israeli scene. America shows a confusion of conventional patterns, along wlth emerging innovative combinations.

The primacy of Jewish-Gentile relations for the understanding of the Jewish condition is common to all the encountered situations. The book is substantially completed although additions and alterations will have to be inserted. One or another chapter might have to be re-wrltten. Notes are still a heap of data, not yet organized. The main stumbling block standing in the way of publication is that the author is preoccupied with other tasks and that the publishing houses are hesitant. URBAN

STUDIES

IN ISRAEL

A new program under the Joint sponsorship of the State University of New York at Stony Brook and Tel Aviv University under the directorship of Professor Sasha Weltman has come to our attention. ASSJ members who have students interested in Israel and/or urban studies might wish to encourage them to investigate this program. The Urban Studies in Tel Aviv (USTA) program is a SUNY/Stony Brook-sponsored program designed to provide students the opportunity for direct p a r t i c i p a t i o n in social science research in an Israeli milieu. During an academic year at Tel Aviv University they may earn up to 18 social science credits by participating in various social science research projects and related seminars, plus another 18-2~ elective credits in other courses offered at Tel Aviv University. The USTA Program has two principal objectives. The first, to use one of Bertrand Russell's favorite distinctions, is to complement the students' "knowledge" of Israel with an "acquaintance" with it: this is accomplished by immersing them into the thick of Israeli social llfe and institu-

Pace 22 tions. The second objective is to introduce the students to the social sciences, particularly to sociology and anthropology, by way of d o i n g social research rather than merely reading the results of other people's work. Needless to say, the aim here is not to discourage students from reading social science publications. Quite on the contrary: the aim is to increase their appreciation of such publications, via direct participation in the actual work of professional social scientists. During the 1974-75 year, USTA will concentrate on two principal themes, each of which will take up one semester. During the fall semester; the focus will be on ETHNIC AND NATIONAL MINORITIES. The emphasis will be on the nature of ethnic identity, group cohesion, inter-group relations, and the institutional mechanisms set up to ease the assimilation and integration of new immigrants. These subjects will be considered from a general theoretical perspective, as well as from the more specific standpoi1~ of the absorption of new immigrants into Israeli society in the Tel Avlv area. During the spring semester, the main focus of the program will be on URBAN SOCIAL ORGANIZATION. Here the emphasis will be on the processes which result in, or detract from, a condition of social cohesion and solidarity in the hyper-urban setting of Tel AvivJaffa. In addition to their field projects, students will be exposed to the theoretical models and concepts used to analyze the social institutions, organizations, and social relationships of such a setting.

Each semester USTA entails (a) participation in the weekly USTA seminar, and (b) carrying out two research projects, usually entailing field work, within the substantive framework of USTA, under close faculty supervision. Whereas the seminar will be wideranging and theoretical, the research projects will be limited in time ana scope, and the student will be expected to complete two such projects each semester. These projects will require a fair amount of work, considerable individual initiative, and will consume the equivalent of two full days of research work per week. Each project will result in a written report drafted in the form of a research proposal. Additional information and application materials may be obtained by contacting either of the following: Office of International E d u c a t i o n Library Building, Room 3522 State University of New York Stony Brook, N.Y. 11794 Tel. (516) 246-8324 Director, U.S. Office Overseas Student Programs Tel Avlv University 342 Madison Avenue New York, N.Y. 10017 Tel. (212) MU-7-565