Journal of Family Violence, Vol. 3, No. 4, 1988
Child Sexual Abuse and Pornography: Is There a Relationship? Dean D. Knudsen ~
Sexual abuse is now a major form of child maltreatment; however, the causes of such exploitation are obscure. A review of official reports and other research indicate that the circumstances surrounding sexual abuse are inadequately specified to allow specific causal interpretations. The role of pornography in contributing to such abuse is explored by reviewing laboratory studies and the circumstances of chiM sexual abuse. An assessment of the research literature suggests that pornography is a minor and indirect influence on chiM sexual maltreatment. KEY WORDS: child sexual abuse; child maltreatment; child pornography.
INTRODUCTION
Childhood is idealized, honored, and envied. Yet, in reality, children are often abused, neglected, and exploited. While changing social and economic conditions, shifting standards of childcare, and the growth of scientific knowledge about health and human development have had positive effects on health and expectations for children in most modern, industrial societies, child abuse and neglect appear to be common experiences for at least one million children per year in the United States. Sexual abuse has become a major part of reported child maltreatment in the last decade, involving perhaps a third of all officially identified cases. Nevertheless, the causes of sexual abuse have not been clearly identified, and some researchers have argued that physical abuse and sexual maltreatment derive from different circumstances and social conditions. This paper con-
~Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Purdue University, West Lafayette, Indiana 47907. 253 0885-7482/88/12000253506.00/0 9 1988PientmaPublishingCorporation
254
Knudsen
siders the role of pornographic materials in sexual molestation by examining the relationship between sexual arousal by pornography and the exploitation of children.
CHILD ABUSE: AN EXAMINATION OF THE EVIDENCE
When the term "Battered Child Syndrome" (Kempe et al., 1962) was coined to describe abused children in the early 1960s, a large proportion of citizens, public officials, and parents expressed shock and disbelief, despite the fact that social welfare agencies had identified and worked with large numbers of maltreated children for years. During the 1960s most attention was directed toward physical abuse rather than sexual maltreatment. Even as late as 1978, only 6,078 (less than 10~ of the 82,125 substantiated maltreatment reports involved sexual abuse (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 1980:34). By 1985, one could choose from several estimates of the number of sexually abused children ranging from I 13,000 cases based on official reports of 17.9 substantiated cases per I0,000 children under 18 (American Humane Association, 1987), to over a million if personal reports from adults who reported that they had been sexually victimized as children were used. These discrepancies are probably due to varied methods of data collection as well as to different definitions of abuse (e.g., Peters et al., 1986). However, the figures suggest that sexual maltreatment is an important problem in the United States in the 1980s.
THE ISSUE OF INCREASED REPORTS
The dramatic growth of identified sexual abuse cases may be due to several factors, including enhanced public awareness of the issue, a higher level of reporting to official agencies of cases that were ignored previously, redefinitions of behavior from acceptable/appropriate to unacceptable/inappropriate, or an actual increase in sexual abuse itself. Unfortunately, few data are available to assess the contribution of these factors. Some greater level of public awareness undoubtedly is involved in the burgeoning reports. This may stem from television dramas, talk shows, and news items as well as educational programs in schools, churches, and other public forums. Similarly, many cases are now reported because there is a known agency designed and publicly acknowledged to receive complaints. There is presently inadequate information to document the effects of such factors. However, it should be noted that this argument assumes a relatively constant level of abuse; instead of changes in sexually defined behavior,
Child Sexual Abuse and Pornography
2S5
it is the perceptions by adults and their willingness to act that are assumed to have shifted, resulting in increased reports. It is also possible that the incidents of sexual abuse have increased during the past two decades and are reflected in the official reports. Numerous explanations for such a change could be offered. Some of these include: greater sexual freedom, shifting moral standards, increased family disruptions, lessened control over deviants, easier access to pornographic materials, higher levels of stress in modern life, and urbanization. An examination of the circumstances surrounding sexual abuse of children will clarify the impact of these factors and allow a consideration of other, less global concerns.
SEXUAL ABUSE: PERPETRATORS, VICTIMS, AND CAUSAL INTERPRETATIONS The term sexual abuse is imprecise. Incest identifies a social relationship between the persons involved and may be comprised of actions ranging from inappropriate suggestive speech to rape. Similarly, the concept sexual abuse is extremely broad, especially in self-reported victimization. Research frequently has distinguished noncontact abuse, which includes encounters with exhibitionists or solictation to engage in sexual activity, and contact abuse (fondling, intercourse, oral/anal sex) to classify types of activities. Many adult women properly object to behaviors directed toward them that here are defined as noncontact abuse. However, such actions are usually viewed by police as unimportant, a nuisance, and difficult to prosecute. Thus, nearly all legal attention focuses on contact abuse. Most previous research has employed the general concept of unwanted activities as defined by and directed toward the victim-respondent as indicators of sexual abuse, leaving the actual behavior that is involved unspecified. Some recent studies (e.g., De Jong et al., 1983; Fehrenback et al., 1986; Groff and Hubble, 1984; Mannarino and Cohen, 1986) have identified the type of activity defined as inappropriate, allowing a consideration of the frequency and seriousness of specific actions. In these and other studies, exposure, verbal comments or suggestions, and similar activities appear to comprise about 10 to 15% of all reported sexual abuse. In addition, all types of fondling-genital and nongenitalmay account for 65 to 70% of all reports. Noncontact abuse and fondling are appropriately included in sexual abuse figures because of their exploitation of victims. Such offenses probably are more likely to be reported now than in the past because of public awareness. However, unless accompanied by force, though serious, they are likely to have less severe emotional consequences for children than occurs when sexual contact is associated with vio-
256
Knudsen
lence (Browne and Finkelhor, 1986; deYoung, 1987). The remaining cases (about 25% of the total) appear to be nearly equally distributed between oral sex and forced genital/anal intercourse. These figures must be further qualified by data about the circumstances of sexual maltreatment. A large majority of the perpetrators-at least 80% - a r e males who are known, loved, and/or trusted by the children they abuse. Nearly half are fathers or stepfathers and many more are cousins, uncles, siblings or grandfathers (Chandler, 1982; Conte and Berliner, 1981; Elwell, 1979; Geiser, 1979; Julian and Mohr, 1979; Pierce and Pierce, 1985). Incest appears to be: (1) directed toward girls more than boys, and (2) a longterm process rather than a sudden attack. Further it less often involves violence toward the victim than nonfamily or stranger-perpetrator sexual abuse (Marshal et al., 1986; Parker and Parker, 1986; Phelan, 1986). Also, the nonfamily perpetrators appear to select children they view as vulnerable (i.e., those with low self-esteem, who are deprived of affection, or who lack friends). In an effort to identify "high risk" factors in sexual abuse, Finkelhor and Baron (1986) examined the available empirical data from studies that used control groups for comparisons with the samples of abused children. They concluded that sexual abuse is prevalent in virtually all social and family circumstances. However, girls were at greater risk if: (1) they had lived without their natural fathers, (2) their mothers worked outside the home or were disabled, (3) the children witnessed conflict between parents or had a poor relationship with one of them, or (4) the girls lived with stepfathers. The identification of these factors should not be interpreted as predictive of individual experiences with sexual abuse; clearly, many stepfathers "do not" abuse their stepdaughters while many natural fathers abuse their daughters and sons. In general, studies of sexual abuse indicate disparate findings regarding causal factors, suggesting that a careful interpretation of these data is crucial in understanding the context of child maltreatment and that multiple factors are involved (Gruber and Jones, 1983; deYoung, 1986; Parker and Parker, 1986). It is apparent that there is no easy answer to the questions about changing patterns of abuse. Indeed, much of the perceived and reported growth of child abuse may be due to greater awareness by parents and other adults that public agencies are charged to investigate reports. If there has been a genuine increase in sexual abuse, the precise causes of this increment remain obscure. A consideration of one frequently mentioned cause of sexual abuse-pornog r a p h y - may help identify the factors involved.
PORNOGRAPHY: AN EXAMINATION OF THE EVIDENCE
Pornography is hardly a new concern. For centuries, art and literature have depicted what would be judged obscene by many people though con-
Child Sexual Abuse and Pornography
257
sensus about these definitions is absent. (Various terms-erotica, obscenity, and pornography- will be used interchangeably in this paper.) Until the late 1950s, numerous books, films, and other materials were prohibited from public distribution in the United States. Following the elimination of these legal controls, concern about the effects of pornography prompted the appointment of a Federal Commission on Obscenity and Pornography. After sponsoring research, holding hearings, and examining available data, the commission completed its report in 1970. The report was rejected by thenPresident Nixon because it did not support legal actions to ban pornographic materials. In the years since, little consensus has emerged in the areas of what is to be considered obscene, the limits to protection of pornography on the grounds of free speech, the degree of control over the production and distribution of materials by organized crime, and the effects of viewing or reading obscene materials. Further, the release of the Final Report of the Attorney General's Commission on Pornography (Commission, 1986) was quickly followed by a book with the subtitle "How the Meese Commission Lied About Pornography" which offers an alternative view of the operation and the conclusions of the commission (Nobile and Nadler, 1986). Until the last three decades, obscene materials primarily included pictures, movies, and literature, all of which were "designed to act upon the reader (viewer) as an erotic psychological stimulant" (Kronhausen and Kronhausen, 1959; p. 178). With the advent of modern electronics which provided quick and easy duplication and distribution of materials, and changing social conditions which allow for public display and purchase, pornography has become readily obtainable to nearly all adults. Traditional pornographic materials explicitly depicted consensual sexual intercourse, nudity, incest, seduction, and defloration. In most cases, enjoyment of the activities by the women was obvious in their facial or body expressions or reported in the t e x t - a common theme in such materials being that women desire aggressive sexual activities despite their protests. Some authors have suggested that since World War II, there has been a progression in these materials from intercourse, to sadomasochistic acts, to defecation, to bestiality, and finally, to the use of children as objects of sexual attention (Anson, 1980:278; Penrod and Linz, 1984), as the pornography industry attempted to satisfy a satiated clientele by increasing the levels of violence and antisocial behaviors. Even the "soft-porn" magazines, such as Playboy and Penthouse have been involved, with cartoons changing to more violent forms of sexuality, a shift that may contribute to a cultural climate promoting a sexist ideology that degrades women and children (Malamuth and Spinner, 1980). However, not all researchers agree that these forms of pornography have become increasingly violent (Linz et al., 1987). Nevertheless, generalizations have been expressed by numerous investigators (Allen et al., 1985; Cheek and Malamuth, 1985; Kolenda, 1985; Kurti, 1983; Russell,
258
Knudsen
1981; Silbert and Pines, 1984b; Soble, 1985; Toolin, 1983; Tong, 1982; Zillman and Bryant, 1982) about pornography as a contributing factor to a general cultural climate that allows or encourages exploitation of women and children. The argument that pornographic materials have an antisocial or an aggressive impact on the behaviors of those who read/view them focuses on an important issue. At its simplest level, this view is based on the idea that the existence of such materials have a direct motivational effect. Thus, because police have, at various times, found X-rated movies, pictures, books, magazines, and other sexually explicit literature while searching the home of a person accused or convicted of sex crimes, the effect of these materials on subsequent behavior often is assumed to be documented. Similarly, reports from victims (common in the 1986 Commission report) recounting abuse by people who viewed or read pornography are seen as evidence by those holding this perspective. It must be further recognized that adequate documentation of the direct impact of pornography requires both additional and different types of evidence. The proportion of persons who read or consume obscene materials and then commit sex crimes compared to those who are not involved in pornography but still commit sex offenses remains unknown. Conversely, many men exposed to such materials are not moved to molest children or rape women. Unfortunately, most evidence about the direct effects of pornography is derived from laboratory studies focused on individuals, and thus offer only limited information about societal level effects (Feldman-Summers, 1986). When appropriate controls are applied even to such data, however, there appears to be little support for the argument that pornography is directly related to sex crimes (Holmes, 1984). Moreover, caution must always be used in drawing causal inferences from a single account of sexual behavior. Some researchers have, in fact, suggested that the effects of pornography are beneficial to society and individuals, and that sex criminals tend to be uninformed and repressive in sexual matters (Eysenck, 1972; Goldstein et al., 1973). Further, reports from Denmark following the removal of legal controls on obscene materials indicated that sex crimes actually decreased (Kutchinsky, 1973, 1978, 1983, 1985), though some questions have been raised about the adequacy of these data to address the problem (Court, 1984; Giglio, 1985; Russell, 1981). Social scientists have primarily embraced three models to explain the effects of symbolic behavior (in this case pornography) on actual behavior: arousal, imitation, and catharsis (Goldstein et al., 1973). As research clearly indicates, sexual arousal is a common consequence of viewing pornographic materials. Controlled laboratory/experimental studies have consistently reported that erotic materials are sexually arousing, whether measured by
Child Sexual Abuse and Pornography
259
physiological responses or self-reports (e.g., Byrne and Lamberth, 1971; Byrne, 1977; Mosher and Abramson, 1977; Rook and Hammen, 1977; Steinman et al., 1981). The level and type of arousal is, however, shaped and modified by a variety of factors, such as the sex of subject in the pornographic materials (Fisher and Byrne, 1978; Garcia et al., 1984; Hatfield et al., 1978; Herrell, 1975; Pickard, 1982), the respondent's prior sexual experience (Griffitt, 1975; Malamuth, 1986), the social context presented by the materials (Malamuth and Billings, 1984), alcohol consumption (George and Marlatt, 1985), and the attitudes of the viewer toward sex and women (Briere et al., 1985; Cheek and Malamuth, 1985; Gray, 1982; Green and Mosher, 1985; Kelley, 1985; Malamuth et al., 1986; Mosher and O'Grady, 1979). Additional factors include the perceived response of the fantasized partner (Abrahamson et al., 1985; Malamuth and Cheek, 1980), the anxiety level of the respondent (Pawlowski, 1979), the total amount of exposure to erotica (Zillman and Bryant, 1984), and perhaps most important for defining the behavioral response, the level of violence presented in the films or pictures (Donnerstein, 1980, 1984; Donnerstein and Berkowitz, 1982; Malamuth and Cheek, 1985; Malamuth, 1984, Zillman and Bryant, 1984). The catharsis model, in contrast, suggests that a reduction in the motivation to act occurs through vicarious participation in the sexually explicit acts (i.e., that these experiences allow the viewer to release psychic tensions). This interpretation is consistent with the findings described earlier with regard to Denmark, but one that is otherwise largely unsupported. The imitation model is based on a theory of social learning derived from the work of Bandura and others. This approach suggests that attractive and powerful models have an influential impact on the person's behavioral repertoire. Also, inhibitions are reduced through observation of models engaging in "threatening or prohibited activities without adverse consequences" (Bandura, 1977; p. 49). In this way, pornography may lead to sexually aggressive behavior through the reciprocal interaction of behavioral, cognitive, and environmental influences which alter the perceptions and controls over behavior (Bandura, 1978, 1984). One recent study of prostitutes provides support for this perspective (Silbert and Pines, 1984a), and few scholars or researchers would deny that some individuals are motivated to act out violent behaviors they have observed. There is little doubt that the portrayal of sex and violence has some serious documentable effects (Eysenck, 1984). The data consistently indicate that a greater acceptance of physical force and a loss of compassion for victims accompany exposure to pornographic materials (Malamuth and Cheek, 1980, 1982; Zillman and Bryant, 1984; Zillman et al., 1974; Zillman and Sapolsky, 1977). So strong is this relationship that one study concludes "Aggressive images are the issue not sexual images" (Donnerstein and Linz, 1986;
260
Knudsen
p. 615). Such issues have special importance for child-oriented pornography.
"KIDDIE-PORN": THE CRUCIAL QUESTIONS For many people, obscene materials portraying sexual activities between consenting adults, if not available to children, may be offensive, but they do not justify extraordinary legal action to prevent their distribution. In the case of "kiddie-porn," there are two unique problems: (1) the use of minors through coercion or exploitation to create pornographic films, pictures, or other materials; (2) the degree to which these materials result in further victimization of other children by adult viewers or consumers of erotica. Frequent efforts to associate the plight of minors living on city streets to various forms of child pornography have been made, but such explanations are based on incomplete and often inappropriate evidence. Undoubtedly, many children living on the streets survive by acting in pornographic films and video tapes, or accepting other sexual activities for which adults are willing to pay (e.g., Pierce, 1984). However, despite some widely publicized cases of kidnappings, molestations, and violence directed toward children and youth, a large proportion of the minors reported missing in this society have been taken by the non-custodial parent in divorce disputes. This is a serious problem, but not the same as being kidnapped for sexual exploitation (Fritz and Altheide, 1988). Many more, including those involved in pornography and prostitution, are runaways from problem homes (Holmes, 1984; McCormack et al., 1986; Schneider, 1986). Still others have been ejected from home or even introduced to these sexual experiences by their own parents (Tyler and Stone, 1985; Rush, 1980). Reasons for leaving home or running away are complicated and diverse. Many youth leave because of physical or sexual abuse by parents and stepparents, though no data exist to document the proportion of runaways motivated by incest that occurred with or without pornographic aids. The elimination of "kiddle-porn" or other obscene materials might have an effect on the living situations of many of these children, but it would not repair the broken relationships in their families. Similarly, the long-term consequences of child pornography on children are poorly defined. Several studies have related prostitution to earlier sexual victimization (Russell, 1983; Silbert and Pines, 1984a). Yet, most sexually abused children do not become prostitutes. One of the few studies that explored the effects of pornography and sex rings reported that threefourths of the victims in these sex rings demonstrated patterns of psychological and social maladjustment. Further, those least affected had been in the
Child Sexual Abuse and Pornography
261
ring for the shortest time and were unlikely to have been involved in pornography (Burgess et al., 1984). However, despite frequent efforts to link prostitution or sexual problems causally to use or access to pornography (e.g., Commission, 1986; Silbert and Pines, 1984a), there are no data available to allow such inferences. In fact, nearly every researcher cited as supportive of this causal relationship by the Meese Commission disavowed such interpretations of the data (see Nobile and Nadler, 1986, pp. 325-370). The degree to which child sexual abuse is related to the availability of child pornography is extremely difficult to establish. During the 1970s, magazines began to publish pictures of young children and adolescents involved in a wide range of sexual poses and activities with adults, including sexual intercourse, oral sex, or violence (Anson, 1980). Consistent with earlier pornographic material involving adult women, the children were pictured as enjoying these experiences. A manual that provided detailed instructions for picking up a child to be used for sexual pleasure was available in many stores. So large was this market that, according to one author, "at least 264 different boy and girl porn magazines (were) being sold in adult bookstores nationwide" (Densen-Gerber, 1977). Other information (e.g., Campagna and Poffenberger, 1988) suggests an international market for both materials and children themselves. Tours to other countries involving children for prostitution, exploitation, and pornography are available in most industrialized countries and "international trafficking of children is conservatively estimated as a five billion dollar business" (Herrmann and Jupp, 1985:7). One writer has estimated that over one million children are used annually in s e x prostitution and/or photography (Ditkoff, 1978), while others have suggested the figure is closer to 300,000 (Eysenck and Nias, 1979; O'Brien, 1983). Such diverse estimates illustrate the relative lack of valid data concerning child victimization. Nevertheless, the repugnance of such exploitation resulted in laws prohibiting, in most countries and nearly all states, the production and distribution of materials which illustrated nudity or sexual activities involving children (Tyler and Stone, 1985). The legality of these statutes has been upheld by the U.S. Supreme Court (Brown, 1982). However, their effectiveness is difficult to establish because of the lack of adequate information directly relevant to the problem. There is no reason to believe that street children are any less likely than adult women to be victimized by strangers who respond to violence and sex in films and pictures. The special vulnerability of these children is not a unique condition created by pornography, however, but rather by other factors in their homes and families. No direct evidence is available to establish the degree to which incest or stranger sexual molestation is prompted by obscene materials. Any exploitive activities and maltreatment of women and children that occurs due to exposure of perpetrators to pornography would appear to be
262
Knudsen
indirect, with the processes of modeling (described earlier) eliminating inhibitions and reducing empathy and concern for the victims.
CONCLUSION: P O R N O G R A P H Y , CHILD ABUSE, A N D PUBLIC POLICIES Perhaps the most appropriate summary of the research pertaining to pornography involving both adults and children is that there are no clear relationships that can be identified between erotica and sex crimes. Individuals for whom pornography is the primary or direct motivator of violent acts appear to be relatively rare. And most violence toward women and children is undertaken without such aids to arouse aggressive feelings, though some indirect modeling effects may be identified in lowered inhibitions. If the problem is to determine whether access to pornography directly increases the probability of sexually exploitive behaviors toward children, there appears to be a general consensus among researchers that it does not (Nelson, 1982). However, use of obscene materials appears to increase tolerance of sexual violence and to depress concern about females and children who are objects of these pictures. Further, as numerous feminists have argued, the ruthlessness, exploitation, and cruelty involved in pictures and other depictions of violent sexual behavior not only debase, dehumanize, and exploit the women and children involved, but also support the traditional view of male dominance over and possession of these victims. Thus, the cultural values communicated by such materials are not simply personally offensive; in this view, they are inherently sexist and supportive of violence in general. Clearly women and children are at greater personal risk for sexual violence than men. Equal protection under the law would seem to imply that these populations deserve some attention to lower their risk of exploitation and violence. Given the lack of agreement in general about what constitutes obscenity (e.g., Webb, 1982), any application of law presents some extraordinary problems. Not only is there a lack of consensus about pornography, but the issue appears to be violence rather than sexual activities per se (Donnerstein, 1986; Feldman-Summers, 1986). Violence, while publicly denounced and abhorred, has yet to elicit the same legal and legislative initiatives that have been directed toward pornography. Further, the appropriate actions to take concerning obscene materials remains an issue, as was apparent even in the Commission report. The application of censorship to materials which have educational or scientific value has created a dilemma that rests on the lack of agreement regarding the content of obscene materials. In addition, the available evidence seems to sug-
Child Sexual Abuse and Pornography
263
gest that pornography is neither responsible for the initial sex offenses against most children nor the reason for their vulnerability; rather, it is the familial and social circumstances of young children that are the primary factors in their victimization. Such issues illustrate the dilemmas of social policy. However, they also indicate the importance of personal values in decisions about pornography. In a pluralistic society, different opinions are granted an inherent legitimacy, even those views which are defined as subversive and revolutionary. Pornography, nudity, and obscene materials are offensive to many people. Yet it is not obvious that they present a clear and present danger either to the social order or to individuals-adults or children. Rather, pornography becomes a significant factor in the continued exploitation of children whose families lack the economic, social, and moral strength to prevent their victimization. The most effective programs for eliminating exploitation of children may well be those that provide them and their families with the competencies, abilities, and skills to avoid circumstances that lead to their victimization. Such steps, combined with efforts to extend legal restraints on materials that emphasize violence (whether sexual or not) toward that emphasize violence (whether sexual or not) toward women and children undoubtedly would benefit both individuals and our society.
REFERENCES Abramson, D. J., Barlow, D. H., Beck, J. G., Sakheim, D. K., and Kelly, J. P. (1985). The effects of attention focus and partner responsiveness on sexual responding: Replication and extension. Arch. Sex. Behav. 14: 361-371. AHA. American Humane Association (1987). Highlights o f Official Child Neglect and Abuse Reporting, 1985, The American Humane Association, Denver, Colo. Allen, G., Gaylor, A. L., Gordon, S., Kirkendall, L., and Kocol, C. (1985). Pornography: A humanist issue. Humanist 45: 23-31, 84. Anson, R. S. (1980). The last porno show. In Schultz, L. G. (ed.), The Sexual Victimology o f Youth, Charles C. Thomas, Springfield, Ill. Bandura, A. (1977). Social Learning Theory, Prentice-Hall, Englewood Cliffs, N.J. Bandura, A. (1978). The self system in reciprocal determinism. American Psychologist 33: 344-358. Bandura, A. (1984). Representing personal determinants in causal structures. Psychological Rev. 91: 508-511. Briere, J., Malamuth, N., and Cheek, V. P. (1985). Sexuality and rape-supported beliefs. Int. J. Worn, Studies 8: 398-403. Brown, S. Z. (1982). Supreme Court review: First amendment-Nonobscene child pornography and its categorical excIusion from constitutional protection. J. Crim. Law Criminol. 73: 1337-1364. Browne, A., and Finkelhor, D. (1986). Initial and long-term effects: A review of the research. In Finkelhor, D. (ed.), A Soureebook on ChiM Sexual Abuse, Sage, Beverly Hills. Burgess, A. W., Hartman, C. R., McCausland, M. P., and Powers, P. (1984). Response patterns in children and adolescents exploited through sex rings and pornography. Am. J. Psychiatr. 141: 656-652.
264
Knudsen
Byrne, D. (1977). The imagery of sex. In Money, J., and Masoph, H. (eds.), Handbook o f Sexology, Excerpta Medica, Amsterdam. Byrne, D., and Lamberth, J. (1971). The effect of erotic stimulation on sex arousal, evaluative responses and subsequent behavior. In Technical Report o f the Commission on Obscenity and Pornography (Vol. 8), Washington, D.C., pp. 41-67. Campagna, D. S., and Poffenberger, D. L. (1988). The Sexual Trafficking in Children: An Investigation o f the ChiM Sex Trade, Auburn House, Dover, Mass. Chandler, S. M. (1982). Knowns and unknowns in sexual abuse of children. J. Social Work Hum. Sexual. (Fall/Winter): 51-68. Cheek, J. V. P., and Malamuth, N. M. (1984). Can there be positive effects of participation in pornography experiments? J. Sex Res. 20: 14-31. Cheek, J. V. P., and Malamuth, N. M. (1985). An empirical assessment of some feminist hypotheses about rape. Int. J. Wom. Studies 8: 414-423. Commission: Attorney General's Commission on Pornography (1986). Final Report (July), U.S. Department of Justice, Washington, D.C. Conte, J. R., and Berliner, L. (1981). Sexual abuse of children: Implications for practice. Social Casework 62: 601-606. Court, J. H. (1984). Sex and violence: A ripple effect. In Malamuth, N. M., and Donnerstein, E. (eds.), Pornography and Aggression, Academic Press, Orlando, Fla. De Jong, A. R., Hervada, A. R., and Emmett, G. A. (1983). Epidemiologic variations in childhood sexual abuse. ChiM Abuse Negl. 7: 155-162. Densen-Gerber, J. (1977). What pornographers are doing to children: A shocking report. Redbook Magazine (August). deYoung, M. (1986). 'The Cloak of Innocence': The concept of participant victim in the child sexual abuse literature. Sexual Coercion Assault 1: 189-195. deYoung, M. (1987). Child sexual abuse as social gospel. Paper presented at North Central Sociological Association Annual Meetings, Cincinnati, Ohio. Ditkoff, M. (1978), Child pornography. American Humane Association Magazine 16: 30. Donnerstein, E. (1980). Aggressive-erotica and violence against women. J. Personal. Social Psychol. 39: 269-277. Donnerstein, E. (1984). Pornography: Its effect on violence against women. In Malamuth, N. H., and Donnerstein, E. (eds.), ;~~,rnography and Sexual Aggression, Academic Press, Orlando, Fla. Donnerstein, E. (1986). The pornography commission report: Do findings fit conclusions? Sexual Coercion and Assault 1: 185-188. Donnerstein, E., and Berkowitz, L. (1982). Victim reactions in aggressive erotic films as a factor in violence against women. J. Personal. Social Psychol. 41: 710-724. Donnerstein, E., and Linz, D. (1986). Mass media sexual violence and male viewers. Am. Behav. Scientist 29: 601-618. Elwell, M. E. (1979). Sexually assaulted children and their families. Social Casework 6: 227-235. Eysenck, H. J. (1972). Obscenity-Officially speaking. Penthouse 3: 95-102. Eysenck, H. J. (1984). Sex, violence, and the media: Where do we stand now? In Malamuth, N. H., and Donnerstein, E. (eds.), Pornography and SexualAggression, Academic Press, Orlando, Fla. Eysenck, H. J., and Nias, D. K. B. (1979). Sex, Violence and the Media, Harper and Row, New York. Fehrenbach, P. A,, Smith, W., Monastersky, C., and Deisher, R. W. (1986). Adolescent sexual offenders: Offender and offense characteristics. Am. J. Orthopsychiat. 56: 225-233. Feldman-Summers, S. (1986). A comment on the Meese Commission Report and the dangers of censorship. Sexual Coercion Assault l(No. 6): 179-184. Finkelhor, D., and Baron, L. (1986). High-risk children. In Finkelhor, D. (ed.), A Sourcebook on Child Sexual Abuse, Sage, Beverly Hills. Fisher, W. A., and Byrne, D. (1978). Sex differences in response to erotica? Love versus lust. J. Personal, Social Psychol. 117-125. Fritz, N. J., and Altheide, D. L. (1988). The mass media and the social construction of the missing children problem. Sociological Quart. 28(Winter): 473-492.
Child Sexual Abuse and Pornography
265
Garcia, L. T., Brennan, T. K., DeCarlo, M,, McGlennon, R., and Tait, S. (1984). Sex differences in sexual arousal to different erotic stories. J. Sex Res. 20: 391-402. Geiser, R. L. (1979). Hidden Victims: The SexualAbuse o f Children, Beacon Press, Boston, Mass. George, R. L. (1979). The effects of alcohol and anger interent in violence, erotica, and deviance. J. Abnorm. Psychol. 95: 150-158. Giglio, E. (1985). Pornography in Denmark: A public policy model for the United States? Comp. Social Res. 8: 520-528. Goldstein, M. J., Kant, H. S., and Hartman, J. J. (1973). Pornography and Sexual Deviance, University of California Press, Berkeley. Gray, S. H. (1982). Exposure to pornography and aggression toward women: The case of the angry male, Social ProbL 29: 387-398. Green, S. E., and Mosher, D. L. (1985). A causal model of sexual arousal to erotic fantasies. J. Sex Res. 21: 1-23. Griffitt, W. (1975). Sexual experience and sexual responsiveness: Sex differences. Arch. Sexual Behav. 4: 529-540. Groff, M. G., and Hubble, L. M. (1984). A comparison of father-daughter and stepfatherstepdaughter incest. Crim. Just. Behav. 11: 461-475. Gruber, K. J., and Jones, J. (1983). Identifying determinants of risk of sexual victimization of youth: A multivariate approach. Child Abuse Negl. 7: 17-24. Hatfield, E., Sprecher, S., and Traupmann, J. (1978). Men's and women's reactions to sexually explicit films: A serendipitous finding. Arch. Sex. Behav. 7(No. 4): 583-592. Herrell, J. M. (1975). Sex differences in emotional responses to 'Erotic Literature.' J. Consult. Clin. Psychol. 43: 921. Herrmann, K. J., and Jupp, M. J. (1985). Commercial child pornography and pedophile organizations: An International Report. Response 8(No. 2, Spring): 7-10. Holmes, R. M. (1984). Children in pornography. Police ChiefSl: 42-43. Julian, V., and Mohr, C. (1979). Father-daughter incest: Profile of the offender. Victimol. Int. J. 4: 348-360. Kelley, K. (1985). Sex, sex guilt, and authoritarianism: Differences in responses to explicit heterosexual and masturbatory slides. J. Sex Res. 21: 68-85. Kempe, C. H., Silverman, F. N., Steele, B. F., Droegemueller, W., and Silver, H. K. (1962). The battered child syndrome. J. Am. Med. Assoc. 181: 17-24. Kolenda, K. (1985). Philosopher's column: Porno prone. Humanist 45: 45. Kronhausen, E., and Kronhausen, P. (1959). Pornography and the Law, Ballantine Books, New York. Kurti, L. (1983). Dirty movies-dirty minds: The social construction of x-rated films. J. Pop. Cult. 17: 187-192. Kutchinsky, B. (1973). The effect of easy availability of pornography on the incidence of sex crimes: The Danish experience. J. Social Issues 29: 163-181. Kutchinsky, B. (1978). Pornography in D e n m a r k - A general survey. In Ohavan, R., and Davies, C. (eds.), Censorship and Obscenity, Rowman and Littlefield, Totowa, N.J. Kutchinsky, B. (1983). Obscenity and pronography: 1. Behavioral aspects, Encyclopedia o f Crime and Justice, Volume 3, The Free Press, New York, pp. 1077-1086. Kutchinsky, B. (1985). Pornography and its effects in Denmark and the United States: A rejoinder and beyond. Comp. Social Res. 8: 301-330. Linz, D., Donnerstein, E., and Penrod, S. (1987). The findings and recommendations of the Attorney General's Commission on pornography: Do the psychological "facts" fit the political fury? Am. Psychologist 42: 946-953. Malamuth, N. M. (1984). Aggression against women: Cultural and individual causes. In Malamuth, N. M., and Donnerstein, E. (eds.), Pornography and Sexual Aggression, Academic Press, Orlando, Fla. Malamuth, N. M. (1986). Predictors of naturalistic sexual aggression. J. Personal. SocialPsychol. 50: 953-962. Malamuth, N. M., and Billings, V. (1984). Why pornography? Models of functions and effects. J. Commun. 34: 117-129. Malamuth, N. M., and Cheek, J. V. P. (1980). Sexual arousal to rape and consenting depictions: The importance of woman's arousal. J. Abnormal Psychol. 89: 763-766.
266
Knudsen
Malamuth, N. M., and Cheek, J. V. P. (1982). The effects of mass media exposure on acceptance of violence against women: A field experiment. J. Res. Personal. 15: 436-446. Malamuth, N. M., and Cheek, J. V. P. (1985). The effects of aggressive pornography on beliefs in rape myths: Individual differences. J. Res. Personal. 19: 229-320. Malamuth, N. M., Cheek, J. V. P. and Briere, J. (1986). Sexual arousal in response to aggression: Ideological, aggressive, and sexual correlates. J. Personal. Social Psychol. 50: 330-334. Malamuth, N. M., and Spinner, B. (1980). A longitudinal content analysis of sexual violence in best-seUing erotic magazines. J. Sex Res. 16: 226-237. Mannarino, A. P., and Cohen, J. A. (1986). A clinical demographic study of sexually abused children. Child Abuse Neglect 10(No. 1): 17-24. Marshall, W. L., Barbaree, H. E., and Christophe, D. (1986). Sexual offenders against female children: Sexual preference for age of victims and type of behavior. Canad. J. Behav. Sci. 18(No. 4): 424-439. McCormack, A., Janus, M. D., and Burgess, A. W. (1986). Runaway youths and Sexual victimization: Gender differences in an adolescent runaway population. Child Abuse Neglect 10: 387-395. Mosher, D. L., and Abramson, P. R. (1977). Subjective sexual arousal to films of masturbation. J. Consult. Clin. Psychol. 45: 796-807. Mosher, D. L., and O'Grady, K. E. (1979). Sex guilt, trait anxiety, and female's subjective sexual arousal to erotica. Motiv. Emotion 3: 235-249. Nelson, E. C. (1982). Pornography and sexual aggression. In Yaffe, M., and Nelson, E. C. (eds.), The Influence o f Pornography on Behavior, Academic Press, London. Nobile, P., and Nadler, E. (1986). United States o f America vs Sex: How the Meese CommissionLied About Pornography, Minotaur Press, New York. O'Brien, S. (1983). Child Pornography, Kendall-Hunt, Dubuque, Iowa. Parker, H., and Parker, S. (1986). Father-daughter sexual abuse: An emerging perspective. Am. J. Orthopsychiat. 56: 531-549. Pawlowski, W. (1979). Response to sexual films as a function of anxiety level. Psychological Rep. 44: 1067-1073. Penrod, S., and Linz, D. (1984). Using psychological research on violent pornography to inform legal change. In Malamuth, N, M., and Donnerstein, E. (eds.), Pornography and Sexual Aggression, Academic Press, Orlando, Fla. Peters, S. D., Wyatt, G. E., and Finkelhor, D. (1986). Prevalence. In Finkelhor, D. (ed.), A Sourcebook on Child Sexual Abuse, Sage, Beverly Hills. Phelan, P. (1986). The process of incest: Biologic father and stepfather families. Child Abuse Negl. 10: 531-539. Pickard, C. (1982). A perspective on female responses to sexual material. In Yaffe, M., and Nelson, E. C. (eds.), The Influence o f Pornography on Behavior, Academic Press, London. Pierce, R. L. (1984). Child pornography: A hidden dimension of child abuse. ChildAbuse Neg. 8: 483-493. Pierce, R., and Pierce, L. H. (1985). The sexually abused child: A comparison of male and female victims. Child Abuse Negl. 9: 191-199. Rook, L. E., and Hammen, C. L. (1977). A cognitive perspective on the experience of sexual arousal. J. Social Issues 33: 7-30. gush, F. (1980). Child pornography. In Lederer, L. (ed.), Take Back the Night, Morrow, New York. Russell, D. E. H. (1981). Censorship issue is muting the feminists' attacks on pornography. Center Magazine 14: 42-43. Russell, D. E. H. (1983). The incidence and prevalence of intrafamilial and extrafamilial sexual abuse of female children. Child Abuse Negl. 9: 191-199. Schneider, P. (1986). Lost innocents: The myth of missing children. Harpers 274(February): 47-53. Silbert, M. H., and Pines, A. M. (1984a). Early sexual exploitation as an influence in prostitution. Social Work 28: 285-289. Silbert, M. H., and Pines, A. M. (1984b). Pornography and sexual abuse of women. Sex Roles 10: 857-868.
Child Sexual Abuse and Pornography
267
Soble, A. (1985). Pornography: Defamation and the endorsement of degradation. Social Theory Pract. 11: 61-87. Steinman, D. L., Wincze, J. P., Sakheim, B. A., Barlow, D. H., and Mavissakalian, M. (1981). A comparison of male and female patterns of sexual arousal. Arch. Sex. Behav. 10: 529-547. Toolin, C. (1983). Attitudes toward pornography: What have the feminists missed? J. Pop. Cult. 17: 167-174. Tong, R. (1982). Feminism, pornography and censorship. Social Theory Pratt. 8: 1-7. Tyler, R. P. and Stone, L. E. (1985). Child pornography: Perpetuating the sexual victimization of children. Child Abuse Negl. 9: 313-318. USHHS. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (1980). National Analysis of Official Child Neglect and Abuse Reporting (1978), National Center on Child Abuse and Neglect, Washington, D.C. Webb, P. (1982). Erotic art and pornography. In Yaffe, M., and Nelson, E. C. (eds.), The Influence of Pornography on Behavior, Academic Press, New York. Zillman, D. J., Hayt, L., and Day, K. D. (1974). Strength and duration of the effect of aggressive, violent and erotic communication on subsequent aggression. Commun. Res. 1: 286-306. Zillman, D., and Bryant, J. (1982). Pornography, sexual callousness, and the trivialization of rape. J. Commun. 32: 10-20. Zillman, D., and Bryant, J. (1984). Effects of massive exposure to pornography. In Malamuth, N. M., and Donnerstein, E. (eds.), Pornography and Sexual Aggression, Academic Press, Orlando, Fla. pp. 115-138. Zillman, D., and Sapolsky, B. S. (1977). What mediates the effect of mild erotica on annoyance and hostile behavior in males? J. Personal. Social PsychoL 35: 587-596.