Sex Roles (2011) 64:530–542 DOI 10.1007/s11199-011-9939-y

ORIGINAL ARTICLE

Gendered Racial Identity of Black Young Women Anita Jones Thomas & Jason Daniel Hacker & Denada Hoxha

Published online: 20 February 2011 # Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2011

Abstract In order to understand the experience and identity development of Black adolescents and young women, it is important to understand the intersection of race and gender, or gendered racial identity development. The study sought to unpack aspects of social identity particularly gendered racial identity from the phenomenological perspective of participants. This study included dyadic focus groups of 17 African American young women between the ages of 15–21. Participants were asked about meaning and salience of gendered racial identity. Results suggest that gendered racial identity had greater salience for the participants as compared to the separate constructs of racial or gender identity. The participants identified with negative stereotypes and images of African American women, issues of colorism and standards of beauty. They also emphasized the importance of self-determination. Furthermore, when asked directly about the meaning of race and gender in their lives participants indicated that race and gender simultaneously influenced their perceptions of themselves. The findings that emerge from this study further the discourse regarding limitations that may occur when using single identity factor models to understand identity development among ethnic minority youth. Implications for prevention programs and areas for future research are included. Keywords Race . Identity . Gender . Coping . Stereotypes

A. J. Thomas (*) : J. D. Hacker : D. Hoxha Loyola University Chicago, School of Education, 820 N. Michigan Avenue, Chicago, IL 60611, USA e-mail: [email protected]

Introduction Gendered Racial Identity of Black Young Women Social scientists have long been interested in identity development of children and adolescents. Identity has been defined as a phenomenological experience of coming to understand oneself; identity is lived discourse. Individuals need to infuse values, beliefs, behaviors, and lifestyle into their identity. Social identity is the part of an individual’s self-concept that derives from knowledge of membership in a group along with the emotional significance attached to it (Tafjel 1974). According to Tajfel, the development of social identity includes understanding social categorization, assessing the potential for the group membership to make some positive contribution to positive social identity, and then integrating, altering, or discarding components of the social category into self-concept. The early research on social identity and identity development processes focused on the role of race/ ethnicity, often addressing the question “What does it mean to be African American?” The infamous Clark doll studies suggested that African American children were internalizing negative stereotypes of their race and suffering from low self-esteem as children often chose White dolls as having more positive characteristics (Clark and Clark 1947, cf. Spencer 2008). Models of racial/ethnic identity were developed which suggest that individuals move from having naïve beliefs about their racial group status, holding negative feelings about their racial group, or placing low salience on race, to developing racial consciousness and a sense of pride in history, heritage, and group membership (Schwarzbaum and Thomas 2008). Positive racial identity has been found to be related to positive outcomes in

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African American youth, including positive self-esteem (Buckley and Carter 2005; Greene et al. 2006; Rowley et al. 1998; Sellers et al. 2006), reduced psychological symptoms, particularly depression and anxiety (Sellers et al. 2006), and higher levels of academic achievement (Altschul et al. 2006; Jagers et al. 1997; Wong et al. 2003). Racial identity seems to serve as a buffer for acts of racism, discrimination, or prejudice (Greene et al. 2006). Other theorists have suggested that racial identity includes the incorporation of Africentric values, including spirituality, communalism, harmony, movement, verve, spontaneity, expressive individualism, oral tradition, social time perspective (Boykin and Toms 1985). Boyd-Franklin (2006) writes of African American strengths which are socialized across generations and incorporated into identity, including spirituality, extended family, flexible gender roles, achievement orientation, and work ethic. More recently, a fair amount of attention has been given to gender identity development, addressing the question “What does it mean to be a woman?” Models of gender and womanist identity are similar to racial/ethnic identity models, suggesting that children and adolescents move from having superficial or naïve beliefs regarding gender, gender-role expectations, and gender identity, to developing a more sophisticated understanding of the sociopolitical connotations of gender (Downing and Roush 1985; Helms 1990). Research has found that womanist identity in adults is related to selfesteem, perceptions of environmental bias, and gender role expectations (Carter and Parks 1996; Ossana et al. 1992). Research has also focused on the construct of femininity and gender role expectations. Feminine characteristics of women include passivity, submissiveness, and nurturance (Buckley and Carter 2005). Femininity seems to be related to value concerns for women. Neither the racial or gender models independently seem to account for intragroup differences, thus they are limited in fully explaining the cultural identity development of individuals. Because individuals are multidimensional, possessing various social identities, the construct of gendered racial identity may better explain the developmental process that occurs for African American girls. Frameworks of Gendered Racial Identity While models of racial and gender identity and accompanying research have contributed to a better understanding of identity development, there are several critiques that may be raised. First, the focus on single identity factors, either race or gender, fails to acknowledge the complexity of identity or the intersection of multiple identity factors (Cross and Cross 2008). Second, even when multiple identity factors are considered, they are examined as

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separate phenomena (Hoffman 2006). For example, research has examined racial and gender identity of African American women, but has concluded that racial identity may occur before womanist identity (Carter and Parks 1996; Hoffman 2006; Parks et al. 1996; PoindexterCameron and Robinson 1997). In order to understand the experience and identity development of African American girls and women, it is important to understand the intersection of racial and gender identity, or gendered racial identity as an aspect of social identity. The intersectional perspective provides a holistic framework for conceptualizing social identity processes (Cole 2009; Settles 2006). Fundamentally, race, class, and gender are intersecting categories of experience that affect all aspects of human life: thus, they simultaneously structure the experiences of all people in this society. At any moment, race, class, or gender may feel more salient or meaningful in a given person’s life, but they are overlapping and cumulative in their effect on people’s experience (Anderson and Collins 2004, p. 7). Intersectional models help to promote salience, the level of awareness of, and the meaning or significance of multiple identity factors. While African American women may have differing levels of salience to race and gender depending on context, the intersection model allows for understanding how the African American woman construct may be most salient in understanding self-concept (Settles 2006). Social identity of African American girls and women must address the question “What does it mean to be an African American woman?” Salience of gendered racial issues in social identity likely includes a mixture of values, lifestyle choices, and socialization experiences and messages for individuals. Literature that focuses specifically on identity development, self-concept, and self-esteem of African American girls and young women includes the influence of oppression and stereotypical images (Stevens 1997), and the need for self-determination or strength (Shorter-Gooden and Washington 1996). Theorists assert that in order for African American girls and young women to be healthy, they have to recognize both the prevalence and reality of racism and sexism in their lives, or the “double jeopardy” status, and that identity development occurs in light of racism and sexism (ShorterGooden and Washington 1996). Research on oppression of African American women suggests that they face discrimination in the workplace, educational settings, and by service providers. African American women also face petty harassment (e.g., being picked on, lied about, having complaints made against them), and sexual harassment.

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Finally, women report having to adjust to pervasive stereotypes, including the expectation to placate and serve others, the inferiority of African American women, and sexual promiscuity (Essed 1991; Jones and Shorter-Gooden 2003; Thomas et al. 2008). Another component of social identity of African American women is the construct of strength. Young women are often socialized to develop a sense of strength and to engage in the process of self-determination. African American parents, particularly mothers, extended family members, and communities help African American girls and young women develop protective mechanisms against blatant sexual exploitation, as well as guard their self esteem from more subtle insults that result from negative images through “armoring” or developing “resistance” strategies (Jones and Shorter-Gooden 2003; Robinson and Ward 1991; Ward 2002). As a result, African American girls and young women are socialized to appear strong, tough, resilient, and self-sufficient (Shorter-Gooden and Jackson 2000; Thomas and King 2007). The modern Superwoman image or the Strong Independent Black Woman is the image that is promoted by family and important adults in girls’ lives. Girls and young women who have this sense of strength have healthier psychological outcomes (Shorter-Gooden and Washington 1996). The Strong Black Woman image is different from traditional feminine characteristics of submissiveness and passivity, suggesting that the gendered racial identity development of African American women is different from characteristics represented by racial or gender identity constructs. Limited research has examined the intersection of identities of children and adolescents. Isom (2007) in a mixed-methodological study of African American boys found that their identity processes included both gender- and race-related issues. Abu-Ali and Reisen (1999) found that gender role identity was related to cultural values and religion in Muslim American girls. Williams (2002), in a qualitative study that spanned 4 years, states that gender is developed by girls in “gender regimes”, shaped by cultural contextual influences such as race and social class. Similarly, Abrams (2003) found that girls’ experiences of gender and sexism were different and influenced by social context. Studies examining identity intersection in African American women find that gendered racial status is more salient for these women as compared to racial status or gender status as individual constructs (Settles 2006). This study seeks to assess the presence of a unitary conception of social identity (i.e., gendered racial identity) for African American female adolescents, by testing the intersectional model in this population. In order to assess for the unitary conception of social identity, the adolescent’s concept of themselves as a racial being and gendered

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being were first assessed independently of one another. Then the intersection of the racial identity and gender identity was assessed in terms of the adolescent’s conception of themselves as a gendered racial being. We were interested in the level of salience or awareness of gendered racial identity as a meaningful construct for the participants, and of obtaining the phenomenological perspective of this aspect of social identity. The first research question addressed whether the unitary gendered racial identity conception held more salience than the separate identity conceptions in terms of both personal and social experiences of African American female adolescents. Secondly, the study assessed developmental differences in the conception of gendered racial identity across different age subgroups of African American adolescents and young women. Finally, the study attempts to understand personal or social values, attitudes, and social experiences that African American female adolescents associate with their gendered racial identity.

Method Participants Seventeen African American young women participated in dyadic focus groups assessing gendered racial identity (three self-identified as Black, seven as African American, one as a Black Latino, and four as other). The young women’s ages ranged from 15–22, with a mean age of 17.61 (s. d.=1.94). Most of them were in high school: one freshman, two sophomores, three juniors, and five seniors. There was one college freshman, three college sophomores, and one college senior. Data was not collected on social class, although participants were intentionally recruited from diverse schools. Focus Group Script Participants were asked a series of questions regarding gendered racial identity. The first question was “What does it mean to be African American (or of your ethnicity)?” which was designed to assess racial identity. The second question was “What does it mean to be a woman?” designed to assess gender identity. The third question was “What does it mean to be an African American woman?” designed to assess gendered racial identity. These questions were designed to assess levels of salience for race, gender, and an intersectional gendered racial identity. The next questions asked how their ideas on identity were formed and had changed. Prompts for follow-up questions were also provided in the focus group script (See Appendix A).

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Procedures Dyadic focus groups (Piper-Mandy et al. 2003) were run at each site. Dyadic focus groups include fewer participants who may have already developed a social connection. Dyadic focus groups are an adaptation of dyadic interviewing procedures which were designed to foster dialogue in the interview procedure. In the dyadic focus groups, pairs of individuals are formed for the group. This procedure helps to foster an increased sense of communalism, an Afrocentric principle, and assists in developing increased comfort with both the researchers and the subject matter. Young women were invited to participate in small focus groups (four to five participants), and were invited to bring a friend. The benefit of this approach is that the young women responded to questions in a conversational style, possibly providing deeper and more meaningful answers. Participants were recruited from area high schools, a local church, and a university in a mid-western city. The recruitment sites were specifically chosen based on demographic factors and provided a convenience sample. Individual sites were selected based on their demographics in terms of ethnic make-up of the school or community, socio-economic status, and in the case of the university site, to access young women at a different developmental stage. One group (four participants) was conducted with participants from a private university laboratory high school whose population is predominantly White and whose parental income level is upper class. This school was selected in order to capture identity concerns for young women in a majority White population whose level of racial salience may be heightened (Tatum 1987). A second group of five students was conducted with students in a public high school whose student population is 90% African American and Latino, and whose students primarily receive free and reduced lunch. This group was selected to assess identity salience for young women whose neighborhood, school, and community backdrop may be more reflective of their cultural reference group. In each school, potential participants were recruited via school counselors. Students were given a flyer introducing the purpose of the study as an opportunity to speak with others regarding their “background, race, gender and life experiences”, an assent form, and a parental consent form. Once young women agreed to participate and returned the consent forms to the school counselor, they were asked to invite a friend to the group; each additional person was then given the fliers and consent forms. Recruitment lasted 2 weeks until the groups were formed at each school. A third focus group with five participants from a predominantly African American Baptist church was included to increase the number of students whose neighborhood, school, and community predominantly

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reflected their cultural group. The participants from the church attended high schools within that community that have a significant ethnic minority population (70–80%). In addition, this group was included because the social class makeup of the church is predominantly middle and upper middle class. Participants were recruited via an announcement in a church bulletin. When a girl agreed to participate in the focus group, she was asked to invite a friend to attend the group with her. Finally, a focus group from a predominantly White university was added to assess for developmental differences of participants. Students for this group were recruited through the diversity office on campus via e-mails including fliers and consent forms. As with the other groups, when one student agreed to participate, she was asked to invite a friend to join. Recruitment ended when a group of five friends agreed to participate. Participants in the university group reported having attended both predominantly White and mixed ethnic group high schools in the past. Young women with completed parental consent forms were asked to complete their own assent forms and then participated in a 90 min focus group. All participants were provided with a pizza party at the end of the focus groups which acted as an incentive for participation and provided an opportunity for debriefing. Focus groups were conducted by the authors, and members of a research team, comprised of masters’ and doctoral students in counseling and counseling psychology. All facilitators participated in several meetings during the planning phase of this project and the majority of them had already taken an advanced qualitative research class required by their program. Facilitators were trained on data collection techniques and use of the focus group script prior to facilitating groups. Training included basic procedures for completing qualitative data collection, using the scripted prompts to advance discussion, and restricting use of researcher driven prompting that may lead to biased participant responses. The primary author and one additional facilitator led each focus group. Group discussions began with a dialogue regarding any racial or gender differences if group facilitators were not African American women. Although facilitators developed the focus group script, grounded theory constructs for data analysis were unknown until after focus groups were completed (see below). Data Analysis All of the focus groups were recorded and transcribed for later data analysis by a team of master’s and doctoral students who were new to the project. Once all of the focus groups were finished, each recording and transcript was analyzed. The analysis was performed in two distinct waves due to the conversational style of the procedure and

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responses. First, individual team members independently coded each statement on content themes following a grounded theory approach outlined by Strauss and Corbin (1998). In order to develop a grounded theory framework for assessing participant responses, the research team members searched the existing research and literature on African American identity, womanist identity, and African American women’s identity. A document was developed based on the literature which provided the groundwork for data coding. The themes identified from the literature included stereotypical roles of African American women, discrimination and oppression, colorism and images of beauty, “armoring” or gendered racial socialization experiences, androgynous gender role norms, strength and selfdetermination, and racial identity developmental models. The second wave of analysis was performed by the research assistants as a team. In this stage, team members reviewed each focus group question and identified content themes that matched across coders. Individual statements were coded only when 80% agreement occurred from team members regarding the content theme of the statements. Content themes were then further classified and collapsed into overarching content themes. Again, items were only placed within content themes if majority agreement was made. Individual statements were then given to a set of graduate assistants unfamiliar with the study but familiar with the content themes to rank agreement. Interrater agreement was found in 86% of the cases.

Results and Discussion This study sought to explore the salience, or significance and meaning of gendered racial status, and developmental aspects of gendered racial identity of African American girls and young women. We specifically wanted to examine how participants integrated their racial and gender status as previous research has suggested that racial identity develops prior to gender identity for African American girls (Carter and Parks 1996; Parks et al. 1996; PoindexterCameron and Robinson 1997). Several themes emerged from the research including both the salience and importance of gendered racial identity status. The participants discussed early awareness of gendered racial status from both observations and comments regarding physical differences and experiences of oppression. For the young women in this study, the experience of being ethnic minority women is complex, as was seen in the depth of responses regarding gendered racial identity status. There was often a sense of heaviness in the discussions, as young women weighed in on the pervasive negative images of African American women. The young women reported that they felt negative expectations were

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placed on them from a variety of sources, including the media, teachers, and sometimes even family members. These negative images influenced their sense of self, their perceptions of beauty, and male–female relationships. But most importantly, as the young women began to integrate race and gender into their identities, they discussed the need to be empowered and self-determined, to rise above the negative stereotypes, and to break standards and barriers that confront them. Theme 1: Gendered Racial Identity The first research question was to determine the level of salience of race, gender, and gendered race as young women developed their sense of self. The main theme of the focus groups reflected the construct of gendered racial identity; whether the young women were discussing what it means to be African American or to be a woman, the responses reflected the intersection of race and gender, and the complexity of their dual identity status. Even discussions of sexism and gender oppression were couched in gendered race constructs. For example, when discussing being treated as sex objects, it was from the perspective of African American women being highly sexualized via media images through music videos. Tracy (pseudonym), age 16 states, “But the thing is though like in the media though like when it comes to the hip hop industry (we) are portrayed as like being like these sexual objects.” The first question asked young women to describe what it means to be an African American, and 26 responses were coded. About 42% of responses included the importance of racial pride, heritage, family, and community connections. For example, “Just be black and be proud” and (F)or me being African American, knowing I came from ancestors who have been through slavery, who have been through segregation and still are here, and still holding on, and still fighting. It gives me a strength and it allows me to draw upon the strength that they must have had in the obstacles that I go through everyday. (Diamond, age 19). Many of the responses focused on the stereotypes and barriers that African Americans face (35%). Many participants included responses that reflected gendered racial identity (15%), as if separating the two concepts was a challenge. One high school participant stated in response to what it means to be Black: Like not to hide.... there’s a lot of stereotypes about like black women in general and it’s been that way since slavery. Like if you’re light skinned you’re supposed to be a Jezebel, if you’re bigger boned and darker skinned you’re a (real woman). (Shawntrice, age 15)

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This sample statement reflects the close connection and blend of ethnicity and gender that many African American girls and women experience. The second question asked was what does it mean to be a woman, and 36 responses were coded. The majority of statements (50%) reflected stereotypes of women and barriers including sexism. For example, “Well it’s hard sometimes because some of the whole like glass ceilings. Or you know it’s hard to try rise because you know that’s what men are supposed to do or we’re not as strong as they are.” (Aaliyah, age 16) Again, many statements (16%) included gendered racial identity. (N)ot only are we women, but then we have to be Black women. And, it’s hard. It’s hard ‘cause women already make less than men anyway but then you have to be Black and have to enter the workforce. And all the stereotypes we have to face as Black women. We’re loud, we’re welfare queens, you know. All we do is have kids, we can’t take care of our kids, we mistreat our men. So, yeah, it’s hard. (Gabriella, age 22) It’s very hard to distinguish like being a woman, and being Black, you are a Black woman, it’s one. Like it’s no, I’m a woman then I’m black. It’s not I’m black then I’m a woman, it’s, um, “I’m a black woman.” (Michelle, age 18) The third question asked what it means to be a Black woman. Many participants alluded to previous responses, but the majority of the 35 response generated focused on stereotypes and images of African American women (60%). Young women could name the historical stereotypes and discuss how they related to their sense of functioning. In discussing identity, they discussed the importance of overcoming stereotypes, and making strides and accomplishments. I think black women or black young women our age have a lot of stereotypes that gets them like you know...like we’ve said before ‘she’s probably promiscuous’ or ‘she probably can’t speak that well’ or ‘she’s gotta wear all these little like, ghetto, ghetto...’ (Shawntrice, age 15) African American young women are often confronted with stereotypes and images, including historical images of Mammy (self-sacrificing nurturer), Jezebel (highly sexualized), and Sapphire (angry, hostile, and emasculating). These negative historical images may be incorporated into girls’ self-image (Jordan 1997). Although more positive images for African American girls and young women are emerging, more contemporary versions of the stereotypes persist (Collins 1991), including “Mammy” (the spokes-

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woman for Pinesol) and the emasculating “Sapphire” (Tyler Perry’s Madea). These images continue to be perpetrated via the media, particularly music videos, and have led to the image of the “video vixen”, a highly sexualized and manipulative image of Jezebel. Stephens and Phillips (2005, 2003) have discussed the current Jezebel permutations, including freaks, gold diggers, divas, and dykes seen in the music videos which influence sexual scripts of African American girls. Theme 2: Early Awareness of Racism The second research question addressed developmental or age differences amongst participants regarding gendered racial identity by asking participants to discuss their beginning awareness of gendered racial identity and how their ideas and had changed over time. Racial and gender identity models postulate that individuals begin with low levels of awareness of race or gender until a meaningful encounter or experience occurs which shifts the emphasis on these cultural factors as related to the sense of self, usually during adolescence (Cross 1995; Downing and Roush 1985; Helms 1990). This would suggest that high school students may not have the same qualitative experiences with oppression or society to develop a sense of gendered racial identity. Fifty-two responses were generated from the two questions. We found the opposite; while there may have been age or developmental differences in the level of sophistication or articulation of responses, both high school and college students seemed to have developed a good sense of themselves as African American girls/women in a society that often devalues their group membership. The participants in this study described early experiences, some as early as preschool, with gendered race, gendered racism, and/or oppression. When asked about their first awareness of their gendered racial group status, the groups from predominantly African American communities reported high levels of salience from early ages. Young women recognized either through physical characteristics and differences or through encounters of oppression that they would be considered by others as both African American and female. “And you know playing with Barbie also I remember that. I remember why doesn’t this doll look like me?” (Diamond, age 19). Awareness of physical differences seemed to be accompanied by an awareness of cultural or sociopolitical differences as well. The following is an example of how an oppressive encounter raised awareness of gendered racial status. Michelle (age 18): You know we all have the hair that your mom has to comb and the little go-go’s and the barrettes and I remember going to school the first day.

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And you know we hadn’t been in school for no more than maybe 45 min and I lost a barrette. It’s natural and plain. This white girl, I will never forget, picked up the barrette and said “Whose ugly barrette is this? I mean, we obviously don’t put them in our hair.” Pointed me out, I mean, I’m the only Black girl in the class, of course it’s mine. So at that moment, I realize, “Wow, I’m different”. I’m not just different characteristically, but I’m different in appearance. It’s going to hinder me in school now because I’m a target. For many of the girls, experiences of being in the minority in school raised awareness or salience of gendered race as described in the models. The awareness of gendered race also came from being in the minority as they faced expectations from teachers and fellow students, from physical differences, and the experience of isolation from peers. Well, I could tell you about, well I’m very conscious that I was a black woman is, was in middle school and high school when you’re taking honor’s classes and you’re the only Black person period. And then you’re a Black woman on top of it, So, I definitely, I wouldn’t say there’s an exact pinpoint in time when I was like you know. But there are experiences that you have like, and especially in the school system that you become very aware that you are a black woman. You definitely feel the, you feel it. (Monica, age 19) One high school student reported: And then we moved to California and I went to an all white school, there was like 2 black kids there. And they were like, at first like I didn’t know, like it was a really big culture shock for me at first because I didn’t, like I was looking around and I was like well no one else looks like me and I don’t know how to fit in yet.... So the first time I was like I’m black and I’m a girl, those girls don’t wanna hang out with me because I don’t look like them. I don’t have straight hair, my hair’s not blond. (Cheryl, 16). The experience of entering their gendered racial identity development process was punctuated by negative experiences that occurred as the result of encounters with different cultural groups, often from peers. Awareness included not just concepts of race, but of gendered racial status. Racial and gender identity models also seem to imply that encounter experiences which initiate the cognitive shift in identity development occur in adolescence (Cross 1995; Helms 1990). The results in the study also suggest that the development of gendered racial identity as a component of self-concept may begin early for African American girls. There were few developmental differences in the responses

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found in the study between high school and college age women, and again, most reported early awareness of gendered racial status. While this may be an artifact of a retrospective reflection of the experiences, it is noteworthy that such early experiences seem to have an influence on self-concept formation of participants. Other issues were raised by the young women that were specific to their concepts of African American women and different than their notions of being African American or being women as separate constructs. First, the young women described being compared to European standards of beauty and how that influenced self-concept and relationships. Secondly, the young women described the need to overcome stereotypes of African American women and to engage in self-determination, messages frequently given to them from mothers, grandmothers, and other important adults. Theme 3: Beauty Standards The stereotypes and images of African American women include notions of physical beauty and appearance. The African American young women in the study reflected this in their responses regarding gendered racial identity development. In fact, skin color differences and issues regarding physical status often propelled the participants into the understanding of themselves as Black and female. But I think I’ve realized that I was a black woman or female around the same time I started realizing that I was a girl, about the same time I started realizing that um, my hair wasn’t straight and um, I had a wide nose and full lips. And I think I had this little book with my mom and we filled out about you know name, age, profile, one of those things you got with your little, when you’re little. ... And um, I think it was important because I really realized like I do have full lips and my skin is brown, it’s not as brown as hers and it’s not as white as hers but it’s still brown. (Shawntrice, 15) For some participants, there was an internal distress and turmoil regarding appearance. The conflict seemed to lie in wanting to accept African American women as beautiful as they are despite the internalized European standards of beauty. It’s like in my family my sister she used to have locks, like dreadlocks..... And when she came to Academy she cut all her locks off. She had blond hair, natural highlights everywhere. .... She cut them all off because the little white kids were making fun of how nappy her hair was. ... So for my little sister to call me and be like crying ... was just upsetting because I couldn’t, I couldn’t control it and I was

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halfway across the country and I couldn’t’ do anything about it for her. All I could do was sit there and grit my teeth and then go to school the next day and have some of the girls make fun of me and call me fat because I wasn’t anorexic because I don’t have the white body type. (Vanessa, 15). For Diamond (age 19), there was a strong need to help women move beyond European standards of beauty. Like, and the thing is, for a lot of black women, you get this, I know growing up it could very hard for a girl because the thing is, what is perceived as pretty and beautiful by society’s standards is not a black woman. And the thing is you have to know that you know inside that that you are beautiful just the way you are. You don’t have to perm your hair silky straight, you don’t gotta attach all these weaves in your hair. It was clear for all of the groups that the only way to overcome limitations of European standards was to develop self-defining beauty standards. Yet developing their own definition of beauty is challenging for adolescent girls because the individuals in their social network and society as a whole often reject their standards and serve to undermine their sense of pride and positive self-image. The other area of concern for the young women regarding physical standards of beauty was how it influenced African American men’s standards of beauty. Diamond (age 19) states “(L)ike look at a lot of guys the way they you know, the whiter she is the prettier...like it’s, and I know a lot of girls who are like really dark have issues and she’s like ‘I don’t wanna be dark.’” Many African American men prefer women with light complexions, or date and marry Whites. So, although young women may develop a comfort with their complexion, facial features, and hair, it leaves them vulnerable to in-group oppression in relationships in which men have internalized the societal beauty norms. “We can’t even come back home to our family and have our own men support us because they’ve been warped by the same stereotype. They think that long silky hair is prettier than your nappy black hair.” (Monica, 19) Issues of colorism, skin tone, and hair, have long been a feature of concern for African American women and girls (Coard et al. 2001), and was similarly reported as problematic by the girls and young women in this study. While African American girls and women usually have better body image and are more comfortable with larger sizes (Nishina et al. 2006; Siegel et al. 1999), issues of beauty and attractiveness are prevalent. African American women are often compared to European standards of beauty, and some may straighten and lighten their hair to be closer to European standards of beauty (Abdullah 1998).

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For African American women, developing Africentric attitudes regarding physical characteristics and perceptions of attractiveness is an important part of their gendered racial identity. The pain of wanting to be accepted by others, which is embodied by the practices of applying perms to hair so that it is straighter or removing dreadlocks, may impede the development of healthy self-esteem for girls and young women as they confront European standards of beauty (Abdullah 1998; Greene et al. 2000). How can Black be beautiful if it is not perceived as that by the larger society? How do girls and young women develop a sense of pride in their looks? While girls are developing their sense of self, perceptions of others are critical, implying the need for stronger socialization messages that are culturally affirming. As African American girls and women incorporate Africentric culture into their sense of self, they will begin to develop Black standards of beauty (Makkar and Strube 1995). The participants seemed to feel that if African American women could be educated regarding their own strengths and sense of attractiveness that the pain of being compared to European standards could be overcome. Theme 4: Self-Determination The importance of self-determination, rising above stereotypical images, and negative perceptions of others was the main theme of the focus groups. Whether the young women were responding to questions regarding the meaning of their race, gender, or gendered racial status, they consistently responded that they felt they needed to be seen, respected, and understood in their own rights. Being representatives of multiple minority groups means that the expectations from others are often even lower, providing more impetus for the participants to excel and achieve. Subtheme 1: Breaking Stereotypes Along with the awareness of stereotypes came the motivation to break them. Jasmine (age 15) expressed sentiments of frustration with experiencing lowered expectations, but also described that they provide her with motivation to dispel negative myths. “Sometimes I feel that because I’m an African American girl people don’t expect as much of me than if I had been a white girl. And um, I don’t like that and I like to prove that I can be as good as them.” In many ways, the push to overcome stereotypes served as a form of coping with them. The participants felt strengthened from seeing themselves as different from negative images and perceptions. Cheryl (age 16) states: All the stereotypes. I mean I feel like I have to overcome them everyday because they’re so um,

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dominant in our culture and it’s so easy to just say ‘oh you know you’re at the age where you’re supposed to be pregnant by now. You’re at the age where you’re supposed to be on drugs by now.’ .... I’m proud that I’m not those things. So I have to live that success story everyday. So that’s what really keeps me you know not feeling so down and negative. You know everyday that I don’t become a statistic is a success for me. Subtheme 2: Inner Strength The participants also discussed the inner strength that they possessed. A sense of heritage, and witnessing other women become successful helped the participants to feel positive about themselves. This sense of inner strength is connected to the sense of spirituality as a value of the African American community. Monica (age 19): So, as Black women, I mean, I see the challenges that are set in front of us and that tells me, and let’s me know that we have vested inside of us a great power. Because if you have a great challenge in front of you that means somewhere inside of there is a great power to overcome that. And so, that gives me strength as a black woman to know that I have, like if this is how big the problem is that means I have that much inside of me to overcome it and it gives me a sense of strength to go out and to do the things that we have to do to be successful in a man’s world, and in a world that doesn’t, that sees my skin color and does not see me as equal. The participants in this study really wanted to be seen as more than a negative statistic. There was also a strong desire to be seen beyond gendered racial status as humans, people with interesting aspects and traits. Shawntrice (age 15): I’ve noticed that I try to remember I am a person, not just a woman, not just a Black woman, but a person. That means I’m capable of doing what anybody else can do regardless of their race regardless or regardless of their sex. There is a danger in attempting to define oneself as the opposite of negative images, the danger of losing sight of oneself. Monica’s comment reflects the importance of maintaining self-awareness while trying to overcome internalizing oppression. Diamond (age 19) adds: I feel that people are constantly labeling me as something. ... So for that reason, I feel like, I’m not even going to let, yes I’m proud to be black, I don’t deny that I’m Black, I don’t deny that I’m African American and I’m very happy that I am, but at the

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same time I have to realize that I’m more than how people perceive me to be, these labels ‘cause I think behind these labels we attach stereotypes to them. And, that is what I try to rid myself of, those stereotypes that are attached to those labels. Self-determination allows the participants to eliminate the perceptions of barriers and challenges to achieving, as well as providing a sense of depth to their sense of themselves as people. Being bound to the perceptions of others is limiting and for African American girls and young women can hinder the development of a positive sense of self. All of the participants in the study were committed to living above stereotypes, the fourth theme. They were committed to helping other to see themselves in a positive light, and equally committed to helping expand the lens in which they could be seen. Research suggests that African American women perceive stereotypes as a frustrating aspect of being African American, and that a sense of strength, independence and self-confidence helped them to cope (Settles 2006). Being African American women was not perceived as a detriment to the participants in this study, but as a source of strength, a resource to be used to propel them to success. Most of the participants identified with the importance of maintaining strength as African American women. Oprah Winfrey, Condeleeza Rice, and Michelle Obama personify this image of strength for girls and young women today. Shorter-Gooden and Washington (1996) interviewed girls who discussed the role of strength which they defined as the need to be tough, self-determined, able to deal with adversity from oppression, and a strong sense of self. Conclusion The first research question examined the salience of gendered race as constructs of identity for the girls. Research on some African American women and girls suggests that the level of salience around racial and gender issues may vary according to context, but that salience of gendered race may be more important for understanding how women function (Settles 2006). Results in this study suggest that the girls’ experiences reflected a greater degree of saliency for issues of gendered race over experiences of race and gender as single constructs, findings supported by other qualitative studies of African American girls (ShorterGooden and Washington 1996). The findings also suggest limitations in the approaches of single identity factor models in explaining identity for ethnic minority girls. Quantitative studies suggest that racial identity is formed before gender identity in African American women (Carter and Parks 1996); results from such studies may be an artifact of measurement procedures that focus on correlating

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single constructs. When asked directly about the meaning of race and gender in their lives, girls and young women in this study could articulate how both race and gender influenced their perceptions of themselves. Yet, each time they were asked about single constructs, they provided responses based on gendered race, suggesting high levels of salience to the intersection of race and gender in their identity. Standards of beauty and comments regarding physical attractiveness were salient to the girls’ experiences of being African American women. Finally, the participants discussed the influence of negative images and stereotypes and their need to overcome them and engage in the process of self-determination. Implications Promoting resilience and strength is an important developmental outcome for African American children (American Psychological Association 2008). Needing to be tough and living above stereotypes may be a difficult burden for African American girls and young women to bear alone, therefore programs that provide opportunities to vocalize their experiences and provide support to one another regarding the societal pressures they face will be crucial in the development of resilience. Programs that focus on selfconcept and identity development need to address issues of gendered racial identity. African American girls and young women need to develop the ability to critically deconstruct images and stereotypes and develop the ability to engage in self-determination. This would include being able to develop standards of beauty that reflect a variety of norms for hair, and combats the issues of colorism, for example. Programs that promote resilience, self-determination and Africentric values for African American girls and adolescents should be developed. For example, group work which incorporates Africentric values, including communalism, interdependence, spirituality, can be empowering to girls and adolescents (Pack-Brown et al. 1998). Finally, families could benefit from programs that help to promote “armoring” or resistance strategies for girls. Family members can be coached in gendered racial socialization strategies (Greene 1992; Ward 2002).

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address additional identity issues that young women may also face, including how social class or sexual orientation may interact with race and gender to form identity. Leadbeater and Way (1996) suggest that identity development for poor and working class girls may begin earlier (during prepubescence) than for middle/upper class girls, for example. Although the findings did not uncover any differences in the responses of the high school and college-aged participants, there is a possibility that there were developmental differences between participants in the study. This study also does not shed light on developmental differences that may occur in gendered racial identity development. Future research should be conducted to assess developmental trajectories during pre-adolescence and adolescence in gendered racial identity development. As quantitative studies often examine correlational relationships between variables (i.e. racial and gender identity), future research may consider more qualitative forms of assessment. For example, young women and girls could complete daily diaries in which they reflect on aspects of identity and significant events or experiences that influence their selfperceptions. Future research also needs to examine the influence of negative images on gendered racial identity development and the relationship to psychological functioning, and protective factors that influence resilience related to positive gendered racial identity. Longitudinal studies would also provide information about psychological and academic correlates and outcomes of positive gendered racial identity development. Additionally, measures that tap into both gender and racial identity development experiences for African American youth should be developed and used in quantitative research (Settles 2006). As findings from this study show, gender and racial identity development are complex, circular, and concurrent phenomena, and measures with relevant subscales should reflect the interplay of these experiences for African American youth. Research examining gendered racial identity development trajectories should focus on the experiences of male and female African American adolescents. Little is known about gender differences in gendered racial identity development processes and qualitative approaches could offer important information on this issue.

Limitations and Future Research While this study helps to shed light on issues of gendered racial identity for African American young women, there are some limitations for the study. For example, the small sample size raises concerns with generalizability of the findings. There is a fair amount of diversity within the sample and saturation was reached during coding, but the sample may not represent the heterogeneity within African American young women. The study may not fully

Appendix A Focus Group Script-African American Girls Introduction Thanks for coming to participate in the focus group. As the letter and flyers explained, this is a study that explores the

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role of stress, current stressors, and experiences of oppression on identity and psychological functioning of African American and Latina young women. We will be meeting for about 90 min today. We have a series of questions that we would like to ask you. There are no right or wrong answers. We just want to know the thoughts that you have about each of the questions or topics. We hope to allow each of you the chance to answer the questions. But as this is voluntary, do not feel as if you have to answer each question. If you are not comfortable with a question, please let us know. Also, if you do not understand a question, let us know that as well. There may be times when you have an answer for a question, but the girl in front of you says what you wanted to say. It is fine if you repeat what was said before you if that is how you wanted to answer the question. We hope that as you listen to each other, that new ideas and responses will come to you. If that happens, feel free to answer each question more than one time. Why don’t we start with introductions. (Facilitators introduce selves) (Girls will be given or can select fake names with nametags. Have them introduce themselves according to their fake names). Feel free to share something about yourself with the group if you wish. We have an exercise for you to do before we start the group questions. In front of you is a list of different aspects of identity. Some of them have been specified, such as daughter and friend, and some have been left for you to specify, such as gender and religion. Please fill in the top seven (7) blanks (gender through race). You have also been provided with some blanks in case there are any aspects of your identity that you think are important that were not included in the list provided. (Wait until subjects have completed this task). Now that you have compiled a list of the different aspects of your identity, we want you to think about those parts of your identity that you think are most important. At the bottom of the page there is a circle. This circle represents your identity. Divide this circle into pie pieces representing the different aspects of your identity that appear on the list. The more important you think a certain item is, the bigger the pie piece. You may divide the circle however you wish. If you think one or more items should not appear on the circle, that’s fine. If you think one or two items should make up the whole circle, that’s fine too. When deciding how to divide the circle it may be helpful to consider the question, “When you meet people for the first time, what do you want them to know about you?” Thanks for completing that. Are we ready to start the group? Do you have any questions for us before we begin?

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Identity & & & & & & &

What is your ethnicity? What is your race? (If different, what is the difference between your race and ethnicity?) What does it mean to you to be of your ethnicity/race? What does being a woman mean to you? What does being an African American girl or woman mean to you? Can you describe the first time you realized that you were an African American girl or woman?

Prompts: Where were you? What was happening? Where other people involved? &

Have you thought about these ideas before? How have your ideas changed over time? Consider some experiences you’ve had that may have caused you to change your thoughts about ethnicity, race and gender.

Standard facilitation prompts: Thank you for sharing. Does anyone want to respond to what she said? Does anyone else want to respond? What were you thinking as she was sharing? ____________ do you want to answer this question? Standard elaboration prompts: What I heard you say is ________________. (Simply summarize or paraphrase.) Do you want to add anything else? Closing Why did you choose to participate in this study? Did you learn anything today? What was helpful? What do you think we should do with the information as psychologists to help other people?

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