ROBERT

A. OBUDHO

SOCIAL INDICATORS FOR HOUSING AND U R B A N D E V E L O P M E N T IN A F R I C A : T O W A R D S A NEW D E V E L O P M E N T M O D E L

(Received 6 June, 1975) ABSTRACT. Social indicators as a new measuring tool for socio-economicdevelopment is a recent innovation. While numerous scholars have applied this new technique in studying the development aspects in developed countries, few scholars~have tested this new methodology in Africa. This paper reviews the literature on social indicators and shows how it can be applied to measuring the social progress in urban and housing development in the international, national, regional and local environment. We believe very strongly that social indicators will evaluate the degree of progress that is being made in achieving a wide range of social goals in Africa.

I. INTRODUCTION The main goal of this article is to stimulate discussion among African scholars and government officials about social indicators as means of measuring economic, political, and social progress as opposed to using GNP whose failure to portray development accurately is widely acknowledged. In trying to discuss the place of social indicators, we will limit ourselves to housing and the urban environment because it is the sector that shows the greatest social need in Africa. Daniel Lerner, for example, has applied a model of social change to 54 societies, from traditional, to transitional to modern (Lerner, 1958). Almond (1960) and Riggs (1964) have also presented a sophisticated input and output model for political systems of the underdeveloped countries and a model dealing with historical changes from less to more differentiated societies. And finally, Banks and Textor (1963) have provided 57 kinds of data on 117 countries including the developing nations, and Russett and his associates (1964) have presented 75 political and social indicators selected from a list of 133 countries. The above survey indicates that the mass of data and attempts made to introduce the idea of social indicators to the developing countries is small (Wilcox, Mclntosh and Callahan, 1975). To date, no scholar has attempted to study the social indicators concept within African economic space. In defining the sector of social indicators for housing and urban Social Indicators Research 3 (1976) 431-449. All Rights Reserved Copyright 9 1976 by D. Reidel Publishing Company, Dordrecht-Holland

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environment, it has been suggested by P. O'hUiggins that the development of social indicators for housing and urban development should be approached along three major lines based on those aspects which "(a) can usually be measured given the existing statistical data, (b) could be readily measured given improved statistical data, and (c) it would be desirable to measure but for which the statistical data would be difficult to provide. In all indicators should be given to introducing a scale of values, for example, very unsatisfactory, unsatisfactory and satisfactory" (O'hUiggins, 1971). II. SOCIAL INDICATORS FOR URBAN DEVELOPMENT Criteria for the development of social indicators for urban development should be based on the analysis of their utility in formulating meaningful development policy. This is not to say that social indicators for the urban environment should be considered apart from housing indicators, since housing and urban development usually go hand-in-hand. The following are some of the important social indicators for urban development. It is important to add that this list is not in any way complete; and all of these social indicators can be modified to meet international, national, regional, or local conditions. The first important social indicator for urban development is the level and extent of internal migration. Migratory movements are motivated by the prospect of getting regularly paid employment in urban centres; by the low productivity of the agricultural land, rural unemployment, and underemployment; by the diversification of the economy; and by the uneven distribution of social amenities. Internal migration is now a common phenomenon in Africa because of an uneven distribution of resources. The typical migrants in Kenya, for example, according to a recent study, are "likely to be relatively young, either single or married with a wife resident away from the husband's urban centre, (and) will likely have completed more formal education than the average Kenyan of their age, and have less actual potential claim to land ownership than is true for the average Kenyan" (Rempel, 1971, p. 71). Perhaps one of the most important social indicators of urbanization is the development of the slum settlements which have become an ubiquitous feature of the urban landscape in all countries. The term slum is essentially an evaluative concept rather than an analytic one because what may be

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considered slum conditions in one culture may not be considered as such in another. In defining a slum settlement one has to consider (a) the physical conditions of an area including housing conditions, inter and intra housing crowding, sanitary conditions and the lack of access to facilities which make possible the physical environment and mental well being of the residents of the area; (b) the lack of effective social organization; and (c) the social image or images that are held of an area by the larger community and the self-image of the residents (Solzbacher, 1970, p. 3). Thus, while the physical conditions of some African towns might show some conditions of a slum, the community is usually a viable one and does not show signs of pathological characteristics. But in developing countries like Africa where physical urban planning was concentrated in the non-African sections, the slum settlements are both products of and vehicles for activities which are essential to the urbanization (modernization) process. In a recent publication McElrath has referred to the "sprawling bidonvilles and shacktowns that surround the capital cities of new nations (as one of the two kinds of) dramatic new urbanization, the other being the meandering conurbations of Europe...and most distinctly...the post automobile, midtwentieth century cities of America" (McElrath, 1968, p. 10). We view squatter or slum settlements in the peripheral regions of African" cities as solutions to difficult social problems of rapid urbanization in countries that cannot or are not ready to provide services for the increasing urban population. In the major towns of Africa today there are a significant number of shanty towns on the peripheral regions. Those who spuat on the land within these peripheral regions gain by living close to their work and to the amenities which that city provides. They pay no rent and, if they are evicted they lose only their labour for erecting the temporary structures. In Africa squatting within the city limits is something which has been tolerated for want of a practical alternative. Migrants who have been evicted from their holdings within the city limits can either go back to rural a r e a s - which is least d o n e - or settle again a few yards outside the city boundary. In fact, most migrants prefer to go directly to these areas rather than go to the city where rules are strict. Generally, these peripheral areas are characterized by high density, few sanitary facilities, lack of privacy, substandard housing, overcrowding, and a complete absence of the many services considered essential for the orderly development of an urban area. Beer brewing, drinking, prostitution, petty retail trade, quarrelling, and stealing are all very much a part of the makeup of such areas.

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In these peri-urban dormitories, the poor migrants who have been displaced from rural and urban centres line in transition between agricultural and industrial ways of life. According to D. Lerner, these people are neither housed, nor trained, nor employed, nor serviced. They languish on the urban periphery without entering into any productive relationship with its industrial operations. These are the displaced persons, the DPS of the development process . . . a human flotsam and jetsam that have been displaced from traditional agricultural life without being incorporated into modern industrial life (Lerner, 1967, p. 24).

The urbanization process that takes place among the town residents is also a very important indicator of change. Most urban centres are multi-racial or heterogeneous in character. When a new migrant arrives in any new urban environment, he tends "to gravitate towards his respective tribal or ethnic racial quarter, in a manner reminiscent of Polish, Italian, and Irish immigration in New York, Boston, and Philadelphia a century ago" (Burke, 1965, p. 45). There are several stages in the urbanization process through which the African immigrant must go. The following classifications can be identified: (a) the migrant who stays in the urban centre for a duration of a year; (b) the temporarily urbanized migrant who stays in the urban centre indefinitely but always entertains the notion of returning to his rural home after accumulating material wealth; (c) the semi-permanently urbanized migrant who, although born in the rural areas, is a permanent city dweller; (d) the completely urbanized migrant who is born, and bred, and buried in the town. Peter Gutkind, in recent study analyzed closely the social behaviour of the unemployed in Lagos, Nigeria and Nairobi, Kenya and concluded that the unemployed newly arrived immigrants tended to move through a four stage sequential set of social networks from (a) "a kin-based and (b) an association-based to (c) the unemployed and (d) the disaffiliated- each one of which is designed to meet the specific needs of individuals and groups during a particular period, and under the particular conditions of the unemployment" (Gutkind, 1967, p. 397). These adjustment processes transform the migrants' way of life politically, and socioeconomically. This modernization, the change towards those types of socio-economic and political systems that have developed in the western countries and have spread is a good social indicator that the urbanization process has set in. One of the major effects of urbanization in Africa, particularly in post-independence years, is the high speed with which detribalization has taken place. Although most ethnic groups have tended to

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conglomerate in their own sections of towns, the educated are, in most cases, scattered indiscriminately throughout the towns. Detribalization is probably an inevitable result of changing from a life based on agriculture to the very different social and economic conditions of the urban way of life. The urban resident has moved from a world where ties are largely personal to one in which his obligations to an increasing extent are impersonal. The social indicator of urbanization can also be recognized in the spatial change taking place in the rural areas. The spatial dynamics of modernization can be defined as a "process whereby traditional institutions, methods and patterns of life are adapted to or replaced by new, more modern form" (Riddell, 1970, p. 44). Thus the spatial perspectives of diffusion of modernization will show the differences and similarities in an area underlying the patterns of order and organization of systems. Modernization as a spatial-diffusion process originates in major urban nodes, and from these zones the patterns of change move like waves across the country and cascade down the urban hierarchy as they are funnelled along the major transport system (Morrill, 1968; Hagerstrand, 1952). The rate of employment (employment opportunities, earning levels and working conditions) in relation to the national average is a very common social indicator of development, since most jobs are located in towns. Many of these urbanizing countries are usually overcrowded with people looking for employment. The number of people drifting to these urban centres is stiill very critical and will remain so for many years to come unless the government makes some adequate job-creating efforts. In most cases in Africa the unemployed are not willing to return to the rural areas. Instead the hard-core unemployed have organized and settled in various peripheral regions. These victims of unemployment are living at a level of subsistence urbanization partly mobilized but only slightly assimilated. In most cases in such an area the number of people who are either unemployed or underemployed is very high. The urban demographic structure of a country plays an important role in def'ming the social conditions. Knowledge of the demographic processesmortality, fertility, marriage, migration, and social" mobility - is basic in formulating goals and policies in respect to growth and spatial distribution of the population. No sound physical, social, and economic planning program can be designed without proper knowledge of the demographic trends. The age-sex ratio and age-sex pyramids in Africa show that most of the rural areas

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are deprived of young men of working age. The urbanization process in Africa has imposed new social and economic pressures, and these have had an impact on family and fertility restrictions. The knowledge of urban demographic factors in a country is of value in order to show and assess the social and cultural structure of the urban environment. We have so far emphasized the effects of urbanization on the rural to urban migrants. But it should also be remembered that an urban centre is really a reflection of the culture and time in which it is a part. Urbanization of transitional cities is usually accompanied by the formation of formal and informal associations. The voluntary associations orient migrants to the new and complex urban milieu and act as a means through which industrial-urban life styles are diffused to the rural areas. The influence which the new immigrants have on the urban centre is a very important indicator of urbanization. Originally, most urban centres in Kenya were founded by non-Africans, and from the start the structure of these urban centres had a strong colonial imprint. But with the arrival of the Asian community different features, such as bazaars, were introduced into Kenyan urban centres. The socio-cultural role of Kenyan cities has changed even further following political independence. Africanization of the economic bases of African urban centres has changed these towns to primarily consumer oriented systems. Thus, the intermixture of changes taking place in a country both from and to urban areas is an indication of urbanization. Another indicator is the state of urban health: a study of the length of life (life expectancy and death rates), and physical and mental well-being (chronic and acute conditions, injuries, medical care, diet and nutrition, and other disabilities) of the urban population would be good indicators of the inroads of development. As the urbanization process continues, these health facilities will tend to improve. This can be measured very easily in Africa where the improvement of the general state of health has been going hand-in-hand with the urbanization process. Education should be considered as another important indicator of social change. The area of social concern for education includes basic education (skills) for everyone and the opportunities available for higher education. Under these two headings one should know the enrollment and graduation rates and the number of years spent in formal education. The extent of informal education should also be considered in relation to overall modernization processes taking place in the country.

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The level of income, that is, general level of real income, distribution of income, and absolute level of income are also important indicators of change. While this might be well covered by GNP, it is important to know the level of income as it is another good indicator of economic development which is closely associated with urban development.) The rate of increase and distribution of income in urban areas is very important to the well-being of the urban residents; hence an indicator of urban development or under development. The presence or lack of public safety and legal justice is a good indication of social organization in a community. It is known that a high rate of crime and family disorganization usually accompany the urbanization process. To this end then, the safety of life, rate of crime and disposition of those brought within the criminal justice system are good indicators of change. One of the major concerns in city and regional planning is the social concern of leisure and recreation. Years of work-life by sex, leisure time available, and vacation days and holidays are important indicators of social well-being. Into the bargain, the recreation facilities and services within the urban and rural areas are also important factors. Another important indicator of urbanization is the level of environmental pollution in the country. The degree to which the air and water are polluted is a necessary indicator for the stage and rate of industrialization of a country. This indicator, for example, proves beyond any doubt that GNP is not a sufficient indicator of level of development. The rise in GNP may always be accompanied by excessive environmental pollution, as is now common in the developed countries. And finally, factors such as the journey to work (the length and time) and transport facilities and services must be considered in the assessment of social indicators for urban development.

IIl. SOCIAL INDICATORS

FOR HOUSING

Apart from urban development, indicators can also be developed based on the housing industry in a country. The indicators of housing must be interpreted with regard to the type of climate and culture, the degree of urbanization; and the demographic, social and economic structure of the country in question. According to Gross, housing indicators can serve various roles within a

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nation. They may serve as : (a)

Attractersto get attention to subjects that would otherwise be ignored, (b) v i n d i c a t o r s - to help legitimate the position of the people paying for the indicators, (c) indictersto help find fault with the situation...(d) o r g a n i z e r s - to help in the

(socio-political) processes of organizing support or attack on a given position or institution, (e) p r e d i c t o r s - to provide a basis for future forecasts, (f) a n a l y s e r s - to assist in sorting out variables and explaining what happened...(and) (g) a s c e r t a i n e r s - to assist in assembling and ordering of facts that might be of help in attracting attention, vindicating, indicating, organising, predicting or analysing (Gross, 1971, p. 2).

The social indicators for housing and physical environment can be viewed in terms of the quality of living conditions. Social housing indicators can also be viewed in terms of quality of housing unit - t h e percentage of people living in a housing unit meeting a specified standard. A number of indicators can therefore be developed relating to the stock, size, and the extent of crowding in a housing u n i t - that is, the total dwelling space and family needs (O'Beirne, 1971). Another area in which social indicators for housing can be developed is the cost of either renting or buying houses within a given community. Related to this is the annual output of dwellings and expenditure on dwelling construction, and the annual growth of these outputs in relation to the population increase would be an important indicator of change. Lastly, it would be important to know the quality and age of houses within residential areas. According to the United Nations studies done in 1962, and 1971, the following were proposed as major social indicators for housing conditions: number and percentage of households and of persons according to type of living quarters classified according to national or ethnic origins; average number of households per conventional dwelling unit and average number of persons per room classified according to national or ethnic origins, socioeconomic classes in urban and rural areas; number and percentage distribution of households and persons in living quarters according to type of toilet, lighting, cooking and bathing facilities, classified according to national or ethnic origins, socio-economic classes in urban and rural areas; and index of dwelling construction in relation to estimated national requirements (United Nations, 1962, and 1971). These housing indicators should be applied separately in developed and underdeveloped countries, and also urban and rural areas as each category has a different stage of housing development. Applying these indicators to Kenya, for example, the housing and building materials industry reveals some

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interesting information. The materials used in building Kenya include stones, bricks, mud wattle, and corrugated iron. African houses are usually small, and 95 per cent consist of two or less rooms against 75 per cent for Asians and 38 per cent for Europeans. Water closets are available to occupants of 50 per cent of the urban African households and pit latrines or bucket collections are a common occurrence in the rural areas (United Nations, 1967). Home ownership among Kenyans in urban areas is very low because most town dwellers have considered the urban areas as a place to work but not to reside during colonial days; but during the post-independent days their attitude is changing. For example, only a small percentage of the Africans own houses in urban areas. At present in Kenya the following are some of the major housing problems; overcrowding in urban areas, squatter housing both within and without the city limits, inadequate houses, and very small building industry.

IV. C O N C L U S I O N

In this paper, we have discussed the indicators for housing and urban development with particular reference to Kenya. The social indicators for urban development suggested above can be used at supernational, (mostly) national, and specific or local levels. All these indicators should be redefined and modified to meet the need of each nation. From the discussion so far, it is obvious that the development of social indicators is still far from being perfected and we should not therefore concern ourselves with quantification as yet. In the words of Gross, the Dean of social accounting advocates: In addition to economic aspects, every situation has political, social, cultural and bio-physical aspects also. Moreover, qualitative information may be fully as important as quantitative information. Overemphasis on statistics, because they may seem more precise, or upon economic data, because they may be more readily available, often yields a narrow or balanced view of the state o f a nation (Gross, 1966).

Thus, quantification of social indicators in the African countries should not be the main concern now. The most important fact is that social indicators can measure accurately the extent of development in Africa. The GNP, a measure based on monetary value cannot accurately depict the state of well-being of Africa. Social indicators, despite the problems we have indicated, are the best alternative by which we can understand the state of

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the environment. John Harris recently summarized the situation well when he said that: "social indicators will enable the local, national, and international bodies to evaluate the degree of progress that is being made in achieving a wide range of social goals" (Harris, 1971). Social indicators for housing and urban development, when formulated, would be useful to governments and other bodies concerned with the formulation and implementation of policies in environmental development. For them, a series o f social indicators can be useful in measuring the progress of all aspects of development. This is particularly relevant today when so many governments in the developing countries are concerned with the best ways of allocating and using the scarce resources in the best way. Social indicators would be of extreme value to universities, colleges, and professional bodies who would be capable of using and refining them so as to illustrate the success or failure of government policies. Finally, the public at large would benefit because the presence of social indicators would ensure an increased and informed public participation in various social programs that their government officials are carrying out. Johnson & Johnson, Worldwide N e w Brunswick, N e w Jersey 08901

BIBLIOGRAPHY (AFRICA) Almond, G.A. and Coleman, James S.: 1960, The Politics o f Developing Areas, Princeton University Press, Princeton, New Jersey. Banks, A.S. and Textor, Robert: 1963, A Cross-Polity Survey, The M.I.T. Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts. Burke, F. E.: 1965, Africa's Quest for Order, Prentice-Hall, Inc., Englewood Cliffs, N.J. Gutkind, P. W. C.: 1967, 'Energy of Despair: Social Organization of the Unemployment in Two African Cities: Lagos and Nairobi: A Preliminary Account', Ovilization, 14J4. Hagerstrand, T.: 1952, 'The Propagation of Innovation Waves', in Lund Studies in Geography, IV. Larimore, A.E.: 1969, 'The Africanisation of Colonial Cities in East Africa', The East Lakes Geographer, 5, 50-68. Lerner, D.: 1958, The Passing o f Traditional Society, The Free Press, Glencoe, Illinois. Lerner, D.: 1967, 'Comparative Analysis of Process of Modernization', in Horace Miner's The City in Modern Africa, Praeger, New York. McElrath, D. L.: 1968, 'Introduction: The New Urbanization', in Scott Greer et al. (eds). The New Urbanization, New York. Morrill, R. L.: 1968, 'Waves of Spatial Diffusion', Journal o f Regional Science, 8, 1-18. Rempel, H.: 1971, 'The Rural-to-Urban Migrant in Kenya', African Urban Notes (Spring, 1971), 53-72. 4,1

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