Int Rev Educ (2017) 63:341–361 DOI 10.1007/s11159-017-9643-4 ORIGINAL PAPER

Technical knowledge and skills development in the informal sector in Kenya: The case of custom tailors Edwinah Amondi Apunda1 • Helena M. de Klerk1 Teresa Ogina1

•

Published online: 16 May 2017  Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht and UNESCO Institute for Lifelong Learning 2017

Abstract Custom tailors working in the informal sector in Nairobi, Kenya, mainly acquire technical skills through undertaking traditional apprenticeships (TAs). However, most of these tailors are semi-skilled, produce low-quality products and are often poorer than their formally trained counterparts. This qualitative case study explores the aspects of technical skills and knowledge which tailoring apprentices develop, and the factors which influence these outcomes. The findings show that apprentices do acquire basic technical skills for immediate application to ongoing tailoring activities (such as how to take body measurements, draft patterns, and cut, sew and finish constructed garments). However, apprentices do not acquire the technical knowledge that underpins the trade. Most master tailors who have completed TAs lack technical knowledge and have no access to technical skills upgrading. This perpetuates the cycle of basic and limited technical skills transfer to apprentices, poor performance and poverty among tailors. Both apprentices and master tailors expressed concern over knowledge limitations in TAs and a need to access further training to improve skills and acquire knowledge of the trade. The authors of this article argue that, technically and pedagogically, skilled master tailors are critical to improving training quality. Complementary training in theoretical knowledge is also important in improving apprentices’ technical skills and understanding of the trade. Inclusion of TAs in government policy may help ensure sustainable improvement of skills.

& Edwinah Amondi Apunda [email protected]; [email protected] Helena M. de Klerk [email protected] Teresa Ogina [email protected] 1

University of Pretoria, Private bag X20, Hatfield 0028, South Africa

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Keywords technical knowledge and skills development
informal sector
Kenya
tailoring
traditional apprenticeships Re´sume´ Perfectionnement des connaissances et savoir-faire techniques dans le secteur informel au Kenya: le cas des tailleurs – Les tailleurs sur mesure actifs dans le secteur informel de Nairobi (Kenya) acquie`rent essentiellement leur savoir-faire technique dans le cadre d’un apprentissage traditionnel. Ne´anmoins, la plupart d’entre eux sont insuffisamment qualifie´s, fabriquent des articles de faible qualite´ et sont plus pauvres que leurs confre`res qui ont be´ne´ficie´ d’une formation officielle. La pre´sente e´tude de cas qualitative explore les e´le´ments des connaissances et savoirfaire techniques qui sont transmis traditionnellement en confection ainsi que les facteurs qui influencent ces re´sultats. Les conclusions re´ve`lent que les apprentis acquie`rent certes les compe´tences techniques de base pour une application imme´diate dans les actes courants de la confection (prise de mensurations, trac¸age de patrons, coupe, couture et finition de veˆtements conc¸us). Ils n’abordent cependant pas les connaissances techniques qui sont a` la base du me´tier. La majorite´ des maıˆtres tailleurs qui ont accompli un apprentissage traditionnel manquent de ces connaissances techniques et n’ont aucun acce`s aux mesures correspondantes de perfectionnement. Cette situation entretient le cycle du transfert minimal et limite´ des compe´tences techniques aux apprentis, du faible rendement et de la pauvrete´ parmi les tailleurs. Tant les apprentis que les maıˆtres tailleurs expriment leur souci concernant la limitation des connaissances dans l’apprentissage traditionnel et le besoin d’acce´der a` la formation continue pour perfectionner leurs compe´tences et acque´rir des connaissances sur le me´tier. Les auteures de l’article affirment que sur le plan technique et pe´dagogique, les maıˆtres tailleurs qualifie´s sont de´cisifs pour ame´liorer la qualite´ de la formation. La formation comple´mentaire en savoir the´orique est e´galement importante pour ame´liorer les compe´tences techniques et la connaissance du me´tier chez les apprentis. L’inte´gration de l’apprentissage traditionnel dans les politiques publiques pourrait contribuer a` garantir un perfectionnement durable des compe´tences.

Introduction The International Labour Organization (ILO) has observed that traditional apprenticeships (TAs) are increasingly attracting policy attention among developing economies. For example, some African countries have recently embarked on training reforms that are inclusive of TAs (ILO 2012, p. 1). The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) attributes this move to the fact that more youth in the urban informal sector1 are being trained by TAs than by Formal Training Institutions (FTIs) internationally (UNESCO 2012, p. 271). 1

The informal sector as a concept was initially used by the ILO Empowerment Commission to Kenya in the early 1970s to draw attention to small-scale economic activities which the urban working poor engaged in to earn a living (ILO 1972, cited in Haan 2006). Today, however, the informal sector is increasingly being recognised as a major source of employment to many young people around the world through informally operated micro, small and medium enterprises (UNESCO 2012, p. 260).

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Traditional apprenticeships are cost-effective, allow flexible access for individuals who lack formal education, and have the potential to train more youth than FTIs (UNESCO 2012, p. 271). Traditional apprenticeships make use of tools and equipment already available in a workplace and do not require them to be purchased specifically for training purposes, as is the case with FTIs; therefore, TAs are more cost-effective (ILO 2012, p. 2). Apprentices are equipped with broad occupational competence in line with business needs and inducted into the business culture. This makes job acquisition much easier among those who have completed TAs compared to those who have completed their training with FTIs (ibid.). Traditional apprenticeships are by far the most important source of skills training in most African countries (ILO 2012, p. 11). In Kenya, for example, more skills training is estimated to occur through TAs than by all FTIs combined (Ferej et al. 2012). The increasing international recognition of TAs as an important mode of skills training shows that skills development need not be confined to FTIs, but may also occur informally in the workplace and in non-formal activities. The emerging need to recognise and nurture all forms of learning, as well as harnes the acquired skills and knowledge, necessitates a clear definition of formal, non-formal and informal learning. According to the European Commission (EC 2000) and UNESCO (UIL 2012): Formal learning occurs within education and training institutions, is structured, and leads to recognised diplomas and qualifications. Formal learning is intentional from the learner’s perspective. Non-formal learning takes place alongside the mainstream systems of education and training. Despite being structured, non-formal learning does not typically lead to formalised certificates. Non-formal learning may be provided in the workplace and through activities of civil society organisations and groups (such as youth organisations, trade unions and political parties). It can also be provided through organisations or services which have been set up to complement formal systems (such as arts, music and sports classes or private tutoring to prepare for examinations). Non-formal learning is intentional from the learner’s point of view. Informal learning results from everyday life activities related to work, family or leisure. It is not structured and typically does not lead to certification. Informal learning may be intentional but in most cases, it is non-intentional (or ‘‘incidental’’/random). Recognising these forms of learning as possible options for skills development is useful in analysing the nature of skills and skills development in the informal sector, and to provide information about possible interventions to enhance technical knowledge and skills. Kenya’s formal economy is continuing to decrease in its capacity to create new jobs (Balwanz 2012; Kaane 2014). Likewise, FTIs are increasingly becoming limited in their capacity to equip the rapidly growing youth population with employable skills. According to the Kenyan Ministry of Youth Affairs and Sports

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(MoYAS 2012), these factors, together with high youth bulge2 and poverty (Hope 2012), aggravate the problem of youth unemployment in the country. Consequently, over one million youths enter the labour market annually, but without employable skills. These youths may be either school dropouts or school completers, but they are not enrolled in any college or university. This cohort of youths ultimately ends up in the informal sector (Kaane 2014). Kenya has a large and growing informal sector which employs 80 per cent of the labour force (Balwanz 2012; Kaane 2014). Production and service micro and small enterprises (MSEs), such as tailoring and garment making, are among the economic activities with potential for growth, in terms of increased turnover, capital accumulation and expansion of the workforce (ILO 2000). These activities are not necessarily simple; some are complex and therefore require highly skilled and knowledgeable workers. Most informal sector workers acquire skills informally on-the-job, yet are semi-skilled and often poor (Haan 2006; ILO 2012). With respect to this, UNESCO (2012) acknowledges the vital role that skills play in poverty reduction, economic recovery and sustainable development. Likewise, Arvil Adams et al. (2013, p. 2) argue that many factors affect productivity; however, the level of human capital, including skills relevant to the labour market, remains critical. We therefore argue that opportunities to improve upon informally acquired technical skills may enhance performance of production-oriented economic activities in the informal sector.

Traditional apprenticeships as a model for skills training UNESCO (2012) recognises TAs as an important way for workers to acquire technical skills in the informal sector. Traditional apprenticeships enable youth to acquire trade-specific skills on the job, through learning and working alongside experienced craftspersons (ILO 2012, p. 1). However, TAs lack structure and suffer from a weak theoretical basis, and instead focus on learning technical skills by observing and imitating (Haan 2006, p. 231). Moreover, master trainers often lack the technical knowledge and pedagogical skills needed to transfer adequate tradespecific technical skills and knowledge to apprentices. This results in those who have completed TAs having low capacity to adapt to new techniques or solve emerging problems in their workplaces. ILO (2012, p. 46) argues that better and more up-to-date technical skills would enable master trainers and apprentices to improve productivity, increase income, become more creative and innovative, and potentially broaden their customer base. Moreover, access to theoretical knowledge and modern skills would permit MSEs to better adapt to rapidly changing environments and consequently enhance adaptability and employability of those who have completed TAs. In light of the general limitations of TAs, there is a need to investigate factors which influence technical 2

Youth bulge is a phenomenon in many developing countries where the proportion of youth exceeds 20 per cent of the overall population (Hope 2012). In Kenya, the proportion of youth (aged 15–34) is 35 per cent of the population (Balwanz 2012). For details regarding the effects of youth bulge in Kenya, see Balwanz (2012) and Hope (2012).

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skills development in tailoring MSEs to inform interventions needed to improve skills acquired through TAs. In this context, we regard technical skills development as part of technical and vocational education and training (TVET). David Atchoarena and Andre´ Delluc define TVET as: Education which is mainly designed to lead participants to acquire the practical skills, know-how and understanding necessary for employment in a particular occupation, trade or group of occupations or trades (Atchoarena and Delluc 2002, p. 17). This conceptual definition reveals that TVET is not only expected to foster knowing about how to do things, but also understanding why things are done in a particular way. The conceptual definition of TVET cuts across educational levels (postprimary, secondary and tertiary)3 and sectors (formal/school-based, non-formal/ enterprise-based and informal/TAs). This implies that any strategic policy framework which is cognisant of the transversal and longitudinal nature of TVET should recognise and include TAs in its reform agenda. This is crucial to improving the quality of technical knowledge and skills training and the productivity of MSEs in the informal sector. We therefore argue that TVET policies cannot be for ‘‘the public good’’ if TAs, which cater for the skills training needs of the majority, are excluded. Applied to the case of Kenya, the following questions thus emerge: • •

What are the Kenyan government and/or other actors doing to recognise and validate skills acquired in the informal sector? How do Kenya’s efforts in this regard compare with those of other developing countries?

According to the Kenyan Ministry of Higher Education, Science and Technology (MoHEST), Kenya’s education and training policy privileges formal TVET, despite its limited capacity to provide skills training to the masses (MoHEST 2014). The National TVET Policy Strategy of 2014 (ibid., p. 23) therefore proposes to integrate informal sector workers in order to equip them with the skills, innovation and knowledge needed to improve enterprise performance, access, equity and employability. However, the extent to which this reform has been implemented and how it benefits the informal sector workers remains unclear. According to Adams et al. (2013, p. 160), a Kenyan TVET strategy was first adopted in 2008 but has not yet been fully implemented. A lack of clarity in TVET reform is noted to impede full implementation of the proposed reform measures. The institutional responsibilities have been unclearly defined, as the policy strategy focuses on inputs to training (such as defining strict training standards for institutions), instead of defining benchmark competencies as requisite outcomes, thereby further excluding informal forms of skills training from formal recognition (ibid., p. 161). Most workers in the 3

Internationally, the primary educational level commonly refers to Grades/Years Kindergarten to 6; secondary commonly refers to Grades/Years 7 to 10 or 12; and tertiary commonly refers to post-school training/university.

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informal sector therefore have to contend with limited and informally acquired skills. According to ILO (2012) and UNESCO (2012), one way of recognising TAs entails investing in improving the skills of master trainers. Indeed, many master trainers lack access to new skills and technology, as well as pedagogical skills. Upgrading these skills often produces remarkable success with respect to the quality of technical skills training, enterprise productivity and innovation (Adams et al. 2013). This is advantageous, as apprentices stand to benefit from the newly acquired technical knowledge and skills shared by master trainers. The Kenyan government has shown strong commitment to raising funds through partnering with donor agencies to support schemes to upgrade master trainers’ skills (Adams et al. 2013; Kaane 2014). Some of the successful projects include: •

•

•

•

•

The ‘‘training of trainers’’ programme financed by a Kenyan government/World Bank partnership (Kaane 2014). The programme focused on mentoring, pedagogy and business skills (Balwanz 2012), but not upgrading the technical skills and knowledge of master trainers. The programme was part of the recently concluded Kenya Youth Empowerment Project (KYEP), implemented by the Kenya Private Sector Alliance (KEPSA). Recognition of TAs may also include providing often excluded youth with access to skills training and certification of the acquired skills (UNESCO 2012). The recently concluded projects conducted by KEPSA, and the Kenyan government/World Bank cooperation, provided financial aid to economically vulnerable youth to access skills training via TAs within MSEs in the informal sector, and awarded incentives and contracts to master trainers for providing training services (Kaane 2014). Policy can also recognise TAs by offering apprentices courses in theoretical trade knowledge, to enable reflection and complement previously acquired practical skills (ILO 2012). There are no reports of current schemes operating in Kenya which complement technical skills acquired through TAs, apart from schemes which date back to the 1990s and early 2000s. The Kenya/World Bank Training Voucher Scheme of the 1990s, delivered through jua kali associations4 and non-governmental organisations (NGOs), targeted MSEs in the informal sector (Haan 2006; UNESCO 2012). The scheme was instrumental in raising recognition of TAs by most participants, and it also raised awareness of the need to upgrade existing technical skills and acquire new ones. Training providers and training allocation agencies also became sensitised to the MSEs’ specific training needs. However, the programme was too expensive and has not been replicated since. The Kenyan NGO Strengthening Informal Training and Enterprise (SITE) collaborated with Appropriate Technology, an NGO dedicated to technology development and dissemination, in the 1990s to improve master trainers’ skills and support training institutes to provide continuous training to master trainers

4

Jua kali (Kiswahili for ‘‘hot sun’’) associations or Informal Sector Associations (ISAs) are groupings of informal sector producers who are directly involved in skills development (Haan 2006).

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(Nelson 1997; Haan 2006; ILO 2012, p. 48). As a result, the pedagogical and technical skills of master trainers improved, as did product quality, sales and profits, and training quality and content. Training duration/time also decreased. Adams et al. (2013) noted that SITE’s outcomes demonstrate significant potential for non-formal programmes to provide recognition within formal systems, therefore warranting replication. However, no such schemes have since been replicated due to the expense involved. A similar successful scheme was reported in Tanzania, where the Vocational Education and Training Authority (VETA), in cooperation with the German Technical Cooperation Agency (GTZ), introduced the Integrated Training and Entrepreneurship Promotion (INTEP) programme, which operated from 1998 to 2001 (Haan 2006; ILO 2012, p. 47). Results included improved quality of goods and services and increased sales and profits. Accreditation through certification was noted as important to participants. Likewise, in Ghana, the World Bank financed the Vocational Skills and Informal Sector Support Project (VSP) from 1995 to 2000. The project experimented with ways to enhance the quality of TAs and technical skills training within a short duration (Haan 2006; Palmer 2009; ILO 2012). A much shorter training duration raised product quality, creativity and design interpretation. Both apprentices and master trainers were awarded certificates of participation. NGOs and private Vocational Training Institutions (VTIs) played an effective role, while public VTIs failed to deliver. While ILO (2012, p. 48) asserts that schemes to upgrade master trainers’ skills should be permanent, this has not been the case in Kenya, Tanzania and Ghana. Projects operating in the 1990s and early 2000s, which were instrumental in upgrading master trainers’ pedagogical skills, and technical knowledge and skills in production MSEs including tailoring, closed down immediately once the donor support stopped. Cooperation of public VTIs was also marginal. Studies provide evidence that policy commitment towards recognition of TAs in Kenya and other African countries is still marginal, hence limiting skills among informal sector workers in production MSEs. The Kenyan government reports that trade tests provide the only means to assess and certify skills acquired through TAs (RoK 2011). Ahmed Ferej (1997), however, points out that most of those who have completed TAs tend to lack interest in undertaking trade tests, and instead prefer skills upgrading which enables creativity, innovation and productivity. It is most probable that a major hindrance to trade test participation for those who have completed TAs is their deficit in formal training and theoretical instruction (ILO 2012). Indeed, trade tests focus more on theoretical knowledge, which completers of TAs lack. Although the Kenyan government recognises TAs and remains committed to supporting skills development initiatives in the informal sector, efforts to make TAs part of national policy strategy may ensure sustainability and continuity of schemes to upgrade master trainers’ technical knowledge and skills, complement technical skills training and provide short theoretical courses for apprentices. These might in turn encourage participation in nationally recognised trade tests and certification. Richard Walther (2011), ILO (2012) and UNESCO (2012) encourage governments

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to adapt existing recognition measures which may ultimately become part of sustainable national TVET policy strategy. According to Walther (2011), the African countries of Benin and Togo have demonstrated successful examples of sustainable dual apprenticeship systems (participating in practical skills training within the enterprises coupled with theoretical learning at public or private VTIs) since the 1990s and 2000s respectively. Senegal and Cameroon have also successfully implemented gradual formal recognition strategies. In these countries, those who have completed TAs eventually participate in examinations and attain recognised certificates as part of the national training and qualification framework. Coˆte d’Ivoire, Mali, Senegal and Tanzania are considering a similar approach. Following measures implemented to recognise TAs in Kenya and in other African countries, we raise the question: •

To what extent does the vocational training (VT) sector in Kenya compete with or complement informal training (through TAs)?

While the inclusion of large numbers of youth may suggest that TAs compete strongly with VT, certain acknowledged limitations suggest that VT can complement TAs. For example, VT offers a strong theoretical basis, but is limited in practice (Haan 2006; MoHEST 2014). In contrast, TAs are highly practical and transfer relevant skills to the job, but lack capacity to transfer theoretical knowledge (Haan 2006; ILO 2012). This suggests that skills acquired through TAs can be improved by providing complementary training in theoretical knowledge, which VT can facilitate. Public VT provides time-bound and standard curriculum-based programmes (Adams et al. 2013; MoHEST 2014). These inflexible conditions, combined with limited capacity and government funding, as well as large numbers of apprentices with varying learning and training needs, and tight work schedules within the informal sector, suggest that apprentices and master trainers require tailor-made programmes, to be facilitated by VT. This further suggests that formal governmental recognition of non-formal skills training offered by private organisations (including NGOs) may improve the quality of technical skills in the informal sector. Vocational training can provide separate short-duration theoretical and practical courses which are relevant to the needs of apprentices and master trainers. This is demonstrated in the examples of SITE in Kenya, VETA in Tanzania, and VSP in Ghana (Haan 2006; Palmer 2009; ILO 2012). For apprentices, complementary training in theoretical trade knowledge is important to foster reflection and enhance practical skills (Haan 2006; ILO 2012). Likewise, upgrading of master trainers’ technical and pedagogical knowledge is meant to address challenges to providing quality skills training (ibid.). Efforts to link TAs and VT can improve skills and encourage those who have completed TAs to undertake trade tests, which commonly favour beneficiaries of both practical and theoretical instruction (ILO 2012, p. 93). Consultations with master trainers regarding suitable apprentices to forward for further training, along with conducive training times for different groups, need to be agreed upon and communicated effectively. Ownership of TAs by master trainers, and incentives to take on apprentices, should also be clarified to ensure continuity (Haan 2006; ILO

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2012; UNESCO 2012). Governments need to create a healthy relationship between VT providers and master trainers to ensure a successful linkage (Walther 2011; UNESCO 2012). Finally, policy needs to include TAs in strategic planning for sustainable funding and continuity of intervention.

Tailoring and garment-manufacturing MSEs in Kenya Manufacturing MSEs in Kenya’s informal sector only employ 6 per cent of the labour force (Balwanz 2012). Tailoring and garment-manufacturing MSEs constitute a large part of the manufacturing sub-sector, which should foster economic growth and create employment opportunities for youth. Regrettably, most of these MSEs perform poorly and experience high failure rates (McCormick et al. 1997; Kamau and Munandi 2009; Mbugua et al. 2013). Louise Edwinsson and Annica Nilson (2009) attributed poor performance among most Kenyan tailors and dressmakers (henceforth referred to as tailors) to limited knowledge of clothing product quality. Similarly, Dorothy McCormick et al. (1997) found that tailors who acquired skills through TAs were semi-skilled, produced low-quality products and were poorer than their formally trained counterparts. Tailoring and garment-manufacturing MSEs in the informal sector generally lack specialisation. This places high demand on tailors to acquire the technical knowledge and skills needed to design and produce whole garments themselves (known as traditional tailoring) (McCormick et al. 1997). Claire Shaeffer (2014, p. 11) points out that successful execution of whole-garment assembly requires tailors who have extensive knowledge of the methods involved in addition to being highly skilled. Custom tailoring is even more demanding in terms of knowledge and skills compared to general traditional tailoring. In custom tailoring, garment types, designs/styles, materials/fabrics, construction, finishing, customers’ body shapes and sizes, and clothing needs such as fit preferences, often vary with each customer order (Tate 2004; Brown and Rice 2014). Knowledge of materials and principles underlying all processes is therefore required to deliver quality clothing products, accentuate and flatter customers, and gain customer satisfaction (ibid.).

Knowledge of clothing products and processes Patty Brown and Jannett Rice (2014) emphasise the need for garment manufacturers to understand both physical features (such as design, fabrics, construction and finishing), which determine what clothing products are; and performance features (functionality and aesthetics), which show how garments benefit consumers. This knowledge fosters understanding and selection of the relevant physical features needed to fulfil performance quality in garments. A lack of knowledge of physical features automatically limits understanding of clothing product quality and results in products of lesser quality. Knowledge of design enables creativity and innovation, and is therefore necessary for creating marketable and saleable products (Burke 2011). Design

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knowledge encompasses understanding and applying design principles, which, being cognitive, cannot be acquired through experiential learning alone (Kimle 1994). Fabric is the best estimator of a garment’s overall quality (Fiore and Damhorst 1992; Gersˇak 2002). Knowledge of fabric origins and how they are made (Kemp-Gatterson and Stewart 2009) fosters selection of fabrics with functional and aesthetic appeal for garments (Keiser and Garner 2012). Knowledge of fabrics can be acquired through formal teaching (ibid.). Principles of construction and finishing foster understanding of how to assemble cut components of garments in ways that enhance aesthetics and functional performance quality (Shields 2011). Techniques such as obtaining accurate body measurements (Bye et al. 2006), pattern drafting and cutting (Aldrich 2008) are essential technical skills. However, understanding pattern drafting requires being taught the underlying principles (Knowles 2005). The literature shows there is a gap in these aspects of technical skills and knowledge which tailoring apprentices in Kenya develop. Given that knowledge of clothing products and processes entails both theoretical and practical aspects, the question we are interested in is: •

Do TAs have the capacity to develop the technical knowledge and skills needed to produce clothing products that can meet consumers’ quality expectations, secure sustainable employment, enhance productivity and growth, and reduce poverty?

Jean Lave (1982) studied number problem solving within TAs in tailoring in Liberia. Similarly, Mariko Shiohata and John Pryor (2008) compared the influence of TAs and formal training in tailoring on learners’ literacy skills in Senegal. Both studies reported that TAs enable apprentices to develop cutting, sewing and finishing skills. Despite this research, few studies have examined the technical skills and knowledge which tailoring apprentices develop. To contribute to filling this gap, this article explores the aspects of technical skills and knowledge which current tailoring apprentices in Kenya develop. Attempts are also made to identify factors which influence the development of technical skills and knowledge. Study findings aim to inform policy about interventions needed to enhance the quality of TAs, and the technical skills and knowledge required by tailoring apprentices (which can ultimately be translated to the economic sub-sector generally). The following research questions guided the study: (1) (2)

What aspects of technical knowledge and skills do current tailoring apprentices in Kenya develop? What factors influence the development of technical knowledge and skills within current TAs in tailoring in Kenya?

Study context and methodology Our study was conducted within three city council markets in Nairobi: Kenyatta, Uhuru and Kariobangi. Tailoring and garment-manufacturing MSEs in Nairobi employ more than half of the country’s tailors. While micro garment manufacturers

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contribute 54.6 per cent of employment, the majority are semi-skilled poor women who produce low-quality clothing products (McCormick and Ongile 1993). The phenomenon of curriculum practices in TAs in tailoring is least understood, yet TAs play a vital role in skills development within the economic sub-sector of tailoring. We therefore used a qualitative instrumental case study design with embedded sub-units5 to explore the phenomenon within the natural tailoring setting in depth, in order to enable understanding and detailed description (Yin 2003; Baxter and Jack 2008, p. 550). A total sample of four custom-tailoring enterprises offering TAs in tailoring was purposively selected based on inclusion criteria (Merriam 2009). Four master tailors and 27 apprentices working in these four custom-tailoring enterprises were distributed across four case studies (see Table 1 for distribution of apprentices across the case studies). The sample size was determined through data saturation; statistical representation was not a concern, but in-depth learning was (ibid.). Participants were observed over a period of two months, and semi-structured interviews were conducted to obtain and confirm data, leading to comprehensive findings. An observation schedule guided the observations and recording of data (Merriam 2009). Prolonged time spent within the field helped the researcher to become familiar with the participants, the study context and in-depth learning. Only one researcher was involved in the field research, which occurred in the researcher’s country. Separate semi-structured interview guides (developed by the researchers) for master tailors and apprentices helped to obtain valuable data regarding the participants’ lived experiences. Intense probes further helped to elicit detailed information on important answers (Willig 2008). A total of 14 interviews (with all four master tailors and ten apprentices) were conducted in the participants’ preferred languages.6 Interviews with master tailors lasted 90–120 minutes, while those with apprentices lasted 30–45 minutes. Interviews were audio-recorded, transcribed verbatim and then translated into English, while taking care to retain any meaning attributed to the context. The transcripts were coded per interviewee per case study: master tailors (T1–T4) and apprentices (case study 1: A1/1 & A2/1; case study 2: A3/2 & A4/2; case study 3: A5/3, A6/3, A7/3 &A8/3; and case study 4: A9/4 & A10/4). Data were analysed thematically (Nieuwenhuis 2012), coded and sorted according to research questions, and predetermined themes, sub-themes and categories within the conceptual framework. The research study was ethically approved by the Ethics Approval Committee of the University of Pretoria in South Africa. Participation was voluntary and participants signed consent forms prior to 5

Varieties of custom-tailoring enterprises which offer TAs, e.g. those focusing on customers who place orders: made-to-measure garments, micro-production of garments for wholesale, for retail and all sorts of repairs.

6

Nairobi is a cosmopolitan city, where English is used as the official language and Kiswahili as the national language. In addition, over 41 languages are spoken by the city’s inhabitants based on tribal affiliations. Apprentices who completed secondary school education (SSE) preferred to be interviewed in English, while primary school education (PSE) completers preferred a mixture of English, and Kiswahili. The latter was also applicable to the master tailors who used both languages in teaching the apprentices from diverse tribal backgrounds.

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Table 1 Socio-economic characteristics of the participants Participant attributes

Case studies 1

2

3

4

Male

1

–

1

Female

–

1

–

1

Education

PSE

SSE

SSE

SSE

Training background

TA

TA

FVT

TA

Years of experience in supervising TAs

8

5

10

20

Total

5

2

10

10

Male

1

–

–

2

Female

4

2

10

8

Number interviewed

2

2

4

2

PSE

–

1

3

2

SSE

2

1

1

–

FVT

–

1

–

–

Master tailors (4)

Apprentices (27)

Note PSE = Primary School Education; SSE = Secondary School Education; FVT = Formal Vocational Training

taking part in the study. Our findings are presented based on the participants’ responses and corroborated with the researcher’s observations where necessary.

Findings Of the 27 apprentices, only three were male (see Table 1). Master tailors in the sample reported that Kenyan male youth tend to prefer trades such as automobile repair and welding to tailoring, as training to become a tailor is lengthy yet attracts low income. Apprentices in the sample chose tailoring out of interest, and were readily accepted by master tailors upon expressing their interest. However, the choice of tailoring is likely to be influenced by societal norms, which leaves female youth with limited options. Irmgard Nu¨bler et al. (2009) reported the occurrence of such restrictions in Tanzania. Hans Christiaan Haan (2006) also observed that sewing/dressmaking/tailoring is predominantly a female domain in sub-Saharan Africa. This demonstrates an aspect of gender inequality. The age range of master tailors in our study was 27–55 years, with all having worked only as tailors. The advanced age is probably due to the fact that we purposely sought tailors with at least five years of experience in supervising TAs. The ILO Convention concerning minimum age for admission to employment (ILO 2001 [1973]) sets the minimum age for employment at 15 years. The ages of the apprentices in our study ranged from 16–35 years. The master tailors explained that those who have completed primary school education (PSE) report more promptly to

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training compared to those who have completed secondary school education (SSE), who tend to view TAs unfavourably and only join as a last resort. Ashwari Aggarwal et al. (2010) reported similar findings from Malawi, where much older apprentices engaged in other wage-earning activities before undertaking TAs. Poor performance and the prevalence of poverty within the tailoring economic sub-sector may deter better-educated individuals from making quick decision to join the trade. The majority of apprentices had completed PSE, while a few had either completed or dropped out of SSE (see Table 1). This reflects a transition pattern from PSE to SSE in Kenya (MoE 2012; Kaane 2014). One of the apprentices had completed FVT and sought a TA ‘‘to gain more skills in making garments’’ (A3/2). With respect to this, Ferej (1997) reports that finding FVT completers in TAs is common in Kenya, as FVT is ill-equipped to provide adequate practical skills training (Nyerere 2009). It is, however, difficult for those who have completed TAs to access further skills training within FVT due to a lack of formal recognition of informally acquired skills, and the inflexible conditions which exclude most youth from access (Ferej 1997; Haan 2006). One of the master tailors had completed PSE while three had completed SSE. The need to apply literacy and numeracy skills in solving problems in the tailoring trade may explain the presence of literate participants in the study. Three master tailors had a TA background, while only one had completed FVT (see Table 1). These findings are not unusual, as studies (Johanson and Adams 2004; Haan 2006; ILO 2012) show that the majority of master trainers are completers of TAs. This may also help explain the vicious cycle of low and limited skills among completers of TAs who dominate the informal sector in sub-Saharan Africa (ibid.). All apprentices in our study had positive reasons for choosing to undertake a TA in tailoring. PSE completers who failed to proceed to SSE or dropped out viewed TAs as the next best path to earning a living. Similarly, some SSE completers viewed TAs as a strategy to fulfil their vocational interest. The fact that apprentices endured some of the hardships involved (e.g. lack of focused skills training approach, overcrowding and limited practice due to sharing of the few yet outdated items of technical equipment) shows that they believed TAs could help them fulfil their need to earn a living. Apprentices paid fees for their training on a monthly basis, with some dropping out due to poverty, and resuming whenever they were able to pay. We discovered that some apprentices were sponsored to undertake three months of technical skills training through Kenyan government/World Bank/KEPSA cooperation. Apprentices who benefited from this sponsorship felt that the duration was too short, and resorted to saving their stipend to extend their training to acquire optimum practical competence. Moreover, all apprentices sourced their own fabrics and materials for practice, as they rarely worked directly on orders from master tailors’ customers. Participant observation in the four case studies revealed that apprentices began their TAs at different times – not all at once as occurs in FVT. According to informal discussions with the participants, training duration was not fixed, but ranged from 8–18 months or even longer depending on the apprentices’ competence. Exit criteria were unclear, as there were no final assessments and certification. Some apprentices felt that limited resources, such as sewing machines which were

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shared among many, prolonged the duration of training due to limited opportunities to practise.

Technical skills and knowledge Our study’s overarching aim was to identify aspects of technical skills and knowledge that apprentices develop pertaining to clothing products and processes, and to establish factors which influence these outcomes. In order to ascertain what apprentices learned, we observed the teaching/learning processes and learning activities looking for in-depth learning to corroborate the participants’ views. In all case studies, we observed that learning activities were derived from undertaking tailoring tasks related to completing customers’ orders. While working on the orders, master tailors described and demonstrated the involved task processes to apprentices, who observed in order to imitate and practise later on. While practising, apprentices sought guidance from master tailors for feedback and encouragement. We noted that this practical guidance technique was effective in imparting technical skills as well as tacit and implicit knowledge, which facilitates performance of trade-specific work processes. No theoretical learning occurred, however, and knowledge was limited to what master tailors knew and did. The apprentices received limited training in how to create new or unique garment designs. The master tailors across the case studies mainly relied on copying designs from fashion charts, magazines and photos sold by hawkers across the markets. Even when tasked by customers to provide unique designs, master tailors could not due to their lack of design knowledge. Apprentices had to contend with this situation, but were not pleased. This suggests the need for further learning to equip master tailors and apprentices with design skills and knowledge. One master tailor made the following comment on design selection: T3: When a customer comes along, we give them fashion charts and books to find suitable designs for themselves. Master tailors showed new apprentices how to use a measuring tape to take and record measurements from various parts of the body. Apprentices then practised this skill among themselves. Numeracy and literacy skills acquired through formal education helped in this regard. One master tailor described how he taught the technique of taking body measurements. T3: When taking measurements, for example, when making a blouse, I tell them, ‘‘leave this much of space’’ [allowance]. In turn, they take measurements as I watch and coach … ‘‘that part is tight, loosen it’’… ‘‘yes that is the size you should use’’. If I show them like that for a week, they get to know how to do it well. Apprentices also learned how to apply body measurements when drafting patterns for cutting garment designs selected by customers.

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A1/1: Whenever a customer brings any work, I watch as he [the master tailor] takes measurements, then I go with him to the table, to learn how he ‘‘draws’’ [drafts] the work for cutting. After that he asks me to buy brown paper and draw what he had drawn. One master tailor described how she taught and engaged apprentices in learning pattern drafting. T4: When I go to the table, I brief them about the measurements, take them through the calculations, do the draft, and show them how to create allowances and darts. … When I am done, I tell them to ask me whatever they have not understood. I make any clarifications and make sure they are okay, and then I let each one carry out the exercise conveniently. This way I have the opportunity to assess each student’s work and to know who is following and who is not. We observed that the master tailors’ knowledge of pattern drafting was limited; therefore, they tended to convince customers to choose designs which they already knew how to make. This led to repetitive production of similar designs across the case studies (and markets). Although the master tailors wished to adapt quickly to produce emerging designs, their lack of design knowledge posed a major challenge. This suggests the need for master tailors to learn more advanced pattern drafting principles to increase their ability to draft patterns for varied designs. T2: One needs to know how to produce designs that customers want, but if you are not yet good at it, convince the customer to [choose] another one that you can manage effectively to make the client happy. It was also apparent that apprentices had difficulty understanding pattern drafting, especially interpreting why certain actions were taken. This also suggests the need to learn principles which underpin pattern drafting to foster understanding. A1/1: At times it turns out to be really difficult, for example, he [master tailor] can add half an inch [measurement], yet you don’t even understand why half is added. Since you don’t understand, you just have to put it down as ‘‘this is the only way’’ to remind yourself of what was done. Yes, this learning can be a challenge! We further observed that apprentices acquired only limited knowledge of fabrics. Master tailors appeared to lack fabric knowledge and awareness about the need to teach apprentices about fabrics. T4: It is not quite important to teach apprentices about materials [fabrics] because they change with seasons; the ones we had last year are not the ones we have now. On the other hand, one master tailor acknowledged that teaching apprentices about fabrics is desirable. It enables an understanding of fabric selection, including matching fabrics with suitable designs. This demonstrates the power of TAs in the

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acquisition of tacit and implicit knowledge which is necessary for competent performance, though to a limited extent. T2: Customers do bring their own fabrics and ask for specific designs to be made even when the fabric is not appropriate for the design … So a tailor must be ready with knowledge that can help them curb such challenges … I always want my trainees [apprentices] to know fabric quality to be able to advise them [customers] well. We noted, however, that adopting a trial and error mode of learning limits the development of critical technical skills in apprentices. For example, master tailors were unaware of basic techniques for testing fabrics for shrinkage; therefore, they used unfamiliar fabrics without regard for shrinkage. This led to the production of garments with compromised fit and aesthetic appeal in some instances. These techniques can, however, be acquired easily through basic theoretical learning. T2: There is no solution to shrinking fabric. However, if one needs a skirt of length 34 inches then you can probably make a length of 37 inches. This might be a problem to the customer as the garment might appear to be too long. So in actual sense, shrinkage has no solution. While teaching sewing and finishing techniques, master tailors placed emphases on straightness, evenness and flatness of stitches, as well as neatness and pressing of seams. Customers’ awareness of the contribution of construction and finishing quality to garment aesthetics and durability contributed to refining these skills to meet expectations. This further demonstrates the strength of TAs in learning observable and practical skills. A5/3: We must observe that stitches are straight and [of] reasonable length that even if you have to unpick or reap, then there isn’t so much strain that can even cause fabric tear. We also have to press the work; we are taught how this is carried out. In summary, our findings show that apprentices acquired technical skills in how to take body measurements, draft patterns, and cut, sew and finish constructed garments. However, they were unable to develop knowledge of design, fabrics and performance of clothing products. Apprentices, therefore, acquired limited knowledge of clothing product quality.

Discussion The main focus of our study was to identify the aspects of technical skills and knowledge of clothing products and processes which apprentices in Kenya developed, and to establish factors which contributed to these outcomes. Our research revealed that apprentices across the case studies acquired technical skills in how to take body measurements, draft patterns, and cut, sew and finish constructed garments. These skills are basic to tailoring and garment manufacturing (Bye et al. 2006; Aldrich 2008; Shields 2011). Apprentices acquired these skills by observing

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and practising explicit practical activities performed by master tailors. Our findings thus confirm the effectiveness of TAs in developing hands-on, production-oriented technical skills (Haan 2006; ILO 2012). Our study also revealed that apprentices in all case studies acquired limited technical knowledge due to a lack of theoretical instruction. Theoretical instruction is required to learn principles of pattern drafting (Knowles 2005), construction and finishing processes (Shields 2011), and design (Kimle 1994). Theoretical instruction also fosters acquisition of fabric knowledge (Keiser and Garner 2012) and clothing product quality (Brown and Rice 2014). The findings, therefore, confirm the legitimate concern regarding limitations of TAs in developing trade-specific theoretical knowledge (Haan 2006; ILO 2012). The master tailors’ deficiencies in technical skills and knowledge of their trade also influenced these outcomes. Our study revealed that most master tailors (except one) had completed TAs, yet none had previously participated in technical skills upgrading. Although the master tailors shared knowledge with colleagues in the market whenever called upon, the scope was limited to practical skills acquired from their common training background (in TAs). Master tailors’ dependence on informally acquired skills to teach explains the apprentices’ limited acquisition of technical skills and knowledge. The master tailors were aware that their limited technical knowledge was a hindrance to providing quality training. As a result, one master tailor commented that given a chance, she would consider further training to both improve product quality and better train apprentices. These findings correlate with those reported by Walther (2011), namely that master trainers in Cameroon were concerned about being ill-equipped to provide quality technical skills training, but that they improved upon participating in skills upgrading. Similarly, previous studies in Kenya, Tanzania and Ghana (Nelson 1997; Haan 2006; ILO 2012; Adams et al. 2013) reported that master tailors improved their technical and pedagogical skills after participating in skills upgrading, and were able to provide quality skills training. In addition, their productivity, innovation and income also increased. Likewise, apprentices were aware that knowledge of pattern drafting and design, for example, are critical to optimum performance in tailoring. Consequently, apprentices with an SSE background expressed a need for theoretical learning to enhance practical skills, understand pattern drafting, and acquire knowledge of design, fabrics and clothing product performance quality, all of which were barely learned in the course of a TA. It is because of limitations such as these that Hans Christiaan Haan (2006, p. 239), Robert Palmer (2009) and ILO (2012, p. 48) highlight the need to provide apprentices with access to complementary skills training in both practical and theoretical knowledge to understand trade basics, foster reflection and complement existing skills. We established that such opportunities were unavailable at the time of the study. The master tailors were also unaware of the existence of such opportunities in the past.

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Conclusion and recommendations It is evident from our findings that TAs are effective in developing technical skills, yet ineffective in supporting acquisition of technical knowledge. Having themselves informally acquired only technical skills, what master tailors can transfer to apprentices is limited to these and does not extend to technical knowledge. Lack of opportunity to upgrade master tailors’ technical and pedagogical skills partly explains these outcomes. Our study confirmed a need to provide master tailors with opportunities to access training to upgrade their technical skills, and acquire technical knowledge and pedagogical skills. Apprentices were also aware that TAs do not provide them with the full range of skills and knowledge needed for optimum performance. Some raised concerns about limited opportunities for theoretical learning to improve knowledge. We therefore conclude that pedagogically and technically skilled and knowledgeable master tailors are critical to the delivery of quality technical skills training and outcomes for apprentices. Master tailors, therefore, require interventions which provide them with opportunities to upgrade their technical knowledge and skills, as well as their pedagogical skills. However, this alone can be insufficient, as learning within a tailoring setting cannot provide the entire range of technical skills and knowledge required for optimum performance. Therefore, providing apprentices with opportunities to access complementary training in practical and theoretical knowledge is another critical intervention towards improving technical skills and knowledge. Our study highlights a clear need for policy to pay greater attention to setting up sustainable schemes to upgrade the technical and pedagogical skills of master tailors in Nairobi. In addition, sustainable complementary training in theoretical knowledge for apprentices is also needed to improve technical skills acquired through TAs. As already discussed in the literature, it seems likely that efforts by policymakers to link TAs with FVT may provide a lasting solution to improving technical knowledge and skills, as opposed to temporary donor-funded projects. Unless sustainable schemes to improve upon technical skills training are put in place, those who have completed TAs in tailoring in Nairobi will continue to have limited technical skills, and no crucial technical knowledge. This is likely to perpetuate low-quality skills training in TAs by master tailors who lack technical knowledge. Consequently, tailoring MSEs in Nairobi will continue to experience difficulties in producing high-quality clothing products, as reported by previous studies. We recommend that master tailors in Nairobi who participate in TAs form an association to network with government to address technical skills improvement challenges. The fact that technical skills upgrading and complementary schemes were missing in the recently concluded Kenyan government/World Bank projects undertaken in Nairobi imply that the problem could be a country-wide phenomenon. Our study therefore recommends that further research be carried out in other parts of the country to investigate the extent of the problem. This will be important in

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informing government policy about the need to consider including TAs in the national policy framework.

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The authors Edwinah Amondi Apunda is currently completing her PhD in clothing management in the Department of Consumer Science at the University of Pretoria, South Africa. Her study focuses on skills development for informal sector tailoring and garment-manufacturing micro and small enterprises in Kenya. As a PhD student, she has assisted in lecturing undergraduate modules in the Department of Consumer Science at the University of Pretoria. Edwinah is also an assistant lecturer at Maseno University, Kenya, albeit currently on study leave to pursue her PhD. She obtained her Bachelor and Master of Education degrees (Home Economics) at Kenyatta University, Kenya. Her current research interests include informal sector skills training, with a special focus on the quality of technical skills training and the quality of life of informal sector tailors, custom-made clothing product quality, and clothing consumers’ clothing quality preferences and concerns. Helena M. de Klerk specialises in clothing and textiles studies, and has served as Head of the Department of Consumer Science at the University of Pretoria, South Africa, from 2000 to 2014. In 2015, she was appointed Exotic Leather Marketing and Trade Chair. Her current focus is on ‘‘New luxury exotic leather consumer markets’’. Teresa A. Ogina is a lecturer in the Department of Education Management and Policy Studies at the University of Pretoria, South Africa. Her research interests are leadership in education, education management, teacher education, organisation management and school discipline.

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