U R B A N RENEWAL IN INNER-CITY D U R B A N The W a r w i c k A v e n u e Area

MESHACKM. KHOSA AND KIBBIENAIDCX~ One of the most recent local government initiated economic development projects, which could have far reaching impacts on street traders, is the Urban Renewal Programme in the Durban Metropolitan Area (DMA). At least Rll0 million is likely to be spent as part of a city-wide revival and re-generation under the auspices of the Durban Metro Council in the next three years. The area chosen for the Urban Renewal Programme is a major regional hub for public transportation and trading. The central tenet of the Urban Renewal Programme is to 'address issues relating to economic growth and development, the provision of major social services, the need for affordable, replicable and sustainable inner city housing, as well as general environmental improvements' (interviews, W~flkinson, Dobson). At the heart of this colossal Urban Renewal Programme 'is an attempt to increase market opportunities for street traders located in Warwick Avenue' (interviews, Wilkinson, Dobson). New facilities such as post offices, banks, sports and other facilities are planned for the area, indicating a desire to attract and create business opportunities. The Urban Renewal Programme also involves the relocation of some taxi and bus ranks to release additional land for the establishment of a market precinct, landscaping and the upgrading of safety facilities such as street lights and appropriate policing. Documents of the Durban Metro Council claim that the programme is strategically placed within the Durban Metro Spatial Development Framework The Warwick Avenue area is an example of an enclave where people's informal trading activities have helped reconstruct the urban landscape beyond recognition. It has the largest concentration of transportation facilities within the Durban Metropolitan Area, including the Berea Station, longdistance bus ranks and commuter bus and taxi facilities. As such this area functions as the primary metropolitan transportation node. The structure of the movement network and the associated transportation infrastructure makes this area one of the most accessible parts of the city, and has correspondingly resulted in its having the highest number and concentration of informal traders, and the greatest variety of goods sold and services provided within the study area.

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The Warwick Avenue area functions as the daily consumer market for low income shoppers within the DMA and possesses an 'African flavour'. It is also the location for the sale of specialised commodities like traditional medicine. AdditionaU~ the area possesses the bulk of the informal trade infrastructure as well as the only three market buildings (Early Morning Market, English Market, and Victoria Street Market) in the city. Within the context of attempts by local authorities to promote Local Economic Development, this paper provides a critical appraisal of the Urban Renewal Programme. The specific focus is on the likely impact it will have on informal traders in Warwick Avenue (Markewicz, English and Associates 1997). We begin by examining urban renewal in the context of local economic development in general (Joint Steering Committee 1997). Thereafter, we critically examine the urban renewal programme in Warwick Avenue, and in the final section of the paper we present a policy framework for Local Economic Development. U R B A N RENEWAL A N D L O C A L E C O N O M I C D E V E L O P M E N T Since the 1990s there has been increased emphasis on Local Economic Development (LED) initiatives which attempt to alleviate poverty in South African cities. In the D u r b a n M e t r o p o l i t a n Area the U r b a n R e n e w a l P r o g r a m m e was b r o a d l y c o n c e p t u a l i s e d as one such local economic development strategy. However, research on LED programmes in South Africa and in the United States suggests that they tend to favour the wealthy at the expense of the poor and t h a t they often lead to exacerbated u n e v e n development and inequalities (Maharaj and Rambali 1996). Research on urban renewal indicates that small business enterprises are often not taken into consideration in urban renewal programmes (Imirie and Thomas 1992; Raco 1997). In fact such research has s h o w n that these p r o g r a m m e s a d v e r s e l y affect small businesses. H a r d i n g (1995:43-44) maintains that the cost of growth falls disproportionately on low-income communities and marginal local b u s i n e s s e s w h i c h are often p h y s i c a l l y d i s p l a c e d by redevelopment strategies, and in the former case can rarely compete w i t h n e w r e s i d e n t s a n d c o m m u t e r s for n e w e m p l o y m e n t opportunities. Small businesses find it extremely difficult to recover from urban renewal programmes because they build up social and economic links in the areas in which they are located and ff these are jeopardised their contS_nued existence is threatened (Cox 1993). Specific research on the informal sector has shown that it is the nature of their localities which provides them with their specific needs

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(Naidoo 1993). Such areas are characterised by high volumes of pedestrian traffic linked to major bus and taxi ranks. The danger of urban renewal schemes is that they can lead to movement of informal traders to other sites (Hart and Rogerson 1989) and to changes in land-use patterns which can destroy thriving businesses. These perceived threats from urban renewal programmes have not gone uncontested and, rather than being passive recipients of policies, pressure groups and informal networks representing marginal groups have been developed in an attempt to influence decision making in their favour (Raco 1997). However, the extent to which informal networks can influence decision m a k i n g depends on a n u m b e r of factors ranging from their level of accountability to the groups they represent to their ability to operate within wider social political and economic struc~ral contexts. Raco argues further that pressure groups should not only try to work within particular local structures but should also try to shape and influence those structures as well. Tornlinson (1993) points out that local (economic) development planning undertaken by public-private partnerships can also facilitate strategic responses to overall processes of structural change. Public-private partnerships include the local authority, prominent private sector figures, unions and community organisations. Such partnerships, Tomlinson argues, have produced a turn-around in many cities. By promoting economic growth and employment creation within an urban area, local economic development can contribute to the area's tax base and in so doing enhance the community's ability to assume control over its livelihood (Tomlinson 1993; Maharaj and Rambali 1996). In addition, ensuring that local economic development is successful in reducing poverty requires more than merely business expansion. Substantial investment is also required for developing skills in previously marginalised communities (Maharaj and Rarnbali 1996) to ensure their effective participation in development programmes. THE WARWICK AVENUE URBAN RENEWAL PROGRAMME Location The Urban Renewal Programme is located at the Greater Warwick Avenue and Grey Street area. The area encompasses a significant portion of the Durban Central Business District. It is located at the junction of major metropolitan road and rail routes coming into the inner city from north, south and west. Approximately 300 000 commuters use the area on a daily basis. It is estimated that the area contains two-thirds of the informal traders in the inner city. There are 5 000 informal traders in the Greater Warwick and Grey Street Area, and 3 500 in the trade and transport precinct. There are approximately

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1,5 hectares of vacant council-owned land in the Warwick Triangle (interviews, Wilkinson, Dobson). The Urban Renewal Programme covers three precincts: 9 The Trade and Transport Precinct, centring on the public transport ranks and markets 9 The Warwick Avenue Triangle, comprising residential land surrounded by a fringe of mixed-use activity 9 The Grey Street area, encompassing the historically Indian shopping and residential precinct within the Central Business District. The area where the Renewal Programme is located witnessed increasing demands on the inner city to meet the needs of its population, for so many years politically, spatially, socially and economically marginalised. However, despite the problems of visual blight, unhygienic conditions, crime, and 'uncontrollable' informal trading, the area is one of the most vibrant and dynamic parts of the DMA.

Aims and Objectives In support of the Reconstruction and Development Programme, the North and South Central Council.~ established strategic task teams to initiate a renewal of the Greater Warwick Avenue and Grey Street areas. The two councils initially approved an 'Interim District Development Plan' in June 1997 and this created a context for the Urban Renewal Programme. In the words of project leaders of the Urban Renewal Programme, the aim of the initiative is to develop the area in order to improve the overall quality of the urban environment in terms of safety, security, cleanliness, functionality, efficient public transport usage, facilitation of economic and housing opportunities, and improved integration with the surrounding urban fabric. (Interviews, laFflkinson, Dobson) The main objectives and finandal commitments are as follows: 9 To consolidate, integrate and enhance the public transport facilities for the benefit of passengers and improve the efficiency of public transport operations. Some R8A million was allocated in 1997/98 to achieve this objective. A further amount of R51,6 million was allocated in 1998/99. 9 To enhance the economic opportunities for gainful employment, especially for the more marginalised and poorer sections of the community. In order to achieve this objective, R10,24 million was allocated in 1997/98 and a

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further amount of R23 million committed in the 1998/99 financial year. 9 To upgrade the overall quahty of the area and the local environment through addressing planning, development and operational issues. The amount allocated to achieve this objective increased from R570 000 in the 1997/98 financial year to R7,3 million the following year. 9 To expand the range of services and facilities to residents, traders, businesses, commuters and public transport operators in the area. Rll,5 million was allocated in 1997/98, and another R7,4 million in the following year. 9 To upgrade the quality of the residential zones and provide opportunities for temporary and permanent accommodation for the poorer sections of the community. Some R3,7 million was allocated for the Mansel Road short-term rental facility. In addition, the Urban Renewal Programme makes provision to access further housing finance from the KwaZuluNatal Provincial Housing Board. 9 To integrate the area more closely with the city fabric through increased and improved transport linkages for pubhc transport and pedestrians. In order to achieve this objective, approximately R3 million was committed. 9 To create a dixnate and opportunity for greater private-sector investment and involvement in the area. This entails planning studies intended to inform private sector investment or to facilitate consultation and communication, and strategies to improve the day-to-day maintenance and management of the area. About R796 000 was allocated in 1997/98 for this purpose (ibid.). Several projects have already been approved as part of the Urban Renewal Programme. Those projects scheduled for completion by June 1998 are: 9 The Bridge Herb (Muff) Market was completed in May 1998 at the cost of R3 million. The project was apparently workshopped extensively with herbal traders and involved a capacity building process which led to the formation of the Traditional Healers Umbrella body in the DMA. 9 Cannongate and Alice street-trader shelters 9 Renovations and redevelopment to the Early Morning Market 9 Tomato Hall and Cartwright Flats (South) taxi ranks 9 Warwick Triangle playground 9 The Stratford Road project centre (ibid.). Based on evidence from some of those interviewed, a number of themes can be distinguished, and these are: 9 An allegation that the Urban Renewal Programme involved limited consultation with key stakeholders in the area

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9 Arguments that historically there has been limited participation of small and emerging entrepreneurs in large-scale programmes 9 Evidence that the claims that the Urban Renewal Programme was developed within an integrated development planning process are overstated 9 A perception that the direct or indirect benefits from the Urban Renewal Programme are likely to be shared unevenly among traders in the Warwick Avenue area. These broad themes are explored in detail using information gathered during interviews and inputs from delegates w h o attended the Local Economic Development workshop convened by the Depa~ ,nent of Economic Affairs and Tourism in February 1998.

MYTH AND REALITY OF A COMMUNITY DRIVEN PROGRAMME State officials interviewed argue that the Urban Renewal Programme is a classic community-driven programme. Project leaders of the programme also affirm that there is a broad-based consultation in its conceptualisation, design and implementation. In fact, billboards, flyers and brochures point to this as one of the most striking aspects of the programme. As the majority of the interviews in this study took place in January and February 1998, and the District Work Group had not yet been established at the time, the majority of those interviewed were concerned that the voices of the unorganised stakeholders, especially women traders, were not being heard. It was only in April 1998 that a 'credible' representative forum, the District Work Group, was established. This was to serve as a platform to discuss planning studies before detailed design of the Urban Renewal Programme commenced. Interviews with some civil society organisations suggest that the level and nature of the consultation was limited. For example, some informal trading representatives claimed that they were only informed of the Urban Renewal Programme proposals and were not given resources to participate effectively. They argue that the Urban Renewal Programme tends to rely heavily on 'the privatisation and fo~malisation of trading spaces, and this could result in increasing costs for traders'. Participation by all relevant actors must occur from the inception of the Urban Renewal Programme. This will facilitate the generation of diverse and innovative ideas on how the development should occur.

Plans to Employ SMMEs Questioned The Urban Renewal Programme undertakes to use labour-intensive methods in its implementation. Project leaders interviewed claim that the Urban

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Renewal P r o g r a m m e subscribes to the D e p a r t m e n t of Public Works Affirmative Procurement Programme. In terms of the project protocol, construction contracts are being specifically tailored to offer opportunities to small, medium and micro enterprises (SMMEs). Although welcoming this approach, some of those interviewed indicated that experiences elsewhere suggest that emerging contractors and firms owned by historically disadvantaged people tend to be 'sidelined' and granted 'small and valueless contracts', largely because of lack of 'experience' and an unjustified perception that small and emerging entrepreneurs are likely to deliver 'poor quality' service. Some representatives of emerging entrepreneurs argued that in general the new state has 'not paid adequate attention to emerging black and women entrepreneurs who continue to suffer even in the new political dispensation'. The Urban Renewal Programme is also put forward as an opportunity for job creation. Advocates of the programme argue that the building of capital works could generate employment opportunities and the utilisation of small and emerging entrepreneurs. The Urban Renewal Programme project leaders did acknowledge, however, that the number of potential jobs to be created has not been quantified or estimated. In any case, such jobs are likely to be temporary. Experiences of Community Based Public Work~ Projects suggest that jobs of this nature do not allow for skills transfer because of the limited duration of the projects (Khosa 1996).

Limits to Integrated Development Planning The Urban Renewal Programme leaders claim that the programme was conceptualised within an holistic and integrated planning approach. They further indicate that it is located within a broader policy framework context provided by: 9 The Integrated Development Framework (IDP) of the DMA 9 The Spatial Development Framework (SDF) of the DMA 9 The Integrated Development Plans for the North and South Central Local Councils 9 The emergingInner City DevelopmentFrameworkPlan In brief, proponents of the Urban Renewal Programme argue that the area will not just undergo a face-lift but a fundamental overhaul, resulting in the regeneration of one of the most vibrant areas in the city. This has implications for the informal traders as in future they may be required to operate more formally and the costs of informal trading could increase. However, the Urban Renewal Programme does not adequately challenge the inherently unequal urban system in the DMA, rather it reinforces the

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present spatial structure. Although state officials point out that resources will be poured into the Greater Warwick Avenue and Grey Street area, critics suggest that a programme of this nature should be designed in such a way that those who were historically excluded are not just placed at the periphery, but are incorporated into the mainstream of the economy. The project leaders did acknowledge, however, that the location of this area at the edge of the city may in future lead to its marginalisation, rather than link the area to the urban core.

Unequal Spread of Benefits Over the past decades the Warwick Avenue area represented that part of the inner city which offered survival opportunities for the poorest and the most needy people in the city. The project leaders stressed that the Urban Renewal Programme will result in overall benefits for the majority of people living and t r a d i n g there. T h e y specifically e m p h a s i s e d t h a t increased m a r k e t opportunities for women traders would increase, overnight accommodation built, a clinic for primary health care established, and a larger market precinct provided. State officials further dairrt that this will result in bringing informal traders, especially those o w n e d by women, into the mainstream of the economy. A significant number of those interviewed, however, indicated that the benefits of the Urban Renewal Programme are likely to be unevenly shared. At present, access to market opportunities for traders is tightly controlled through informal networks, patronage and power relations in society. Those who already wield considerable power in the area, especially those who are organised, could consolidate their position at the expense of the 'outsiders'. The benefits of the Urban Renewal Programme are also likely to be limited as most of the financial resources are likely to go to private sector contractors and consultants. In spite of claims that labour-intensive methods will be used a n d local people e m p l o y e d , experience elsewhere suggests that well established firms often win a large slice of the cake (Khosa 1996). Although traders in the area could benefit in the form of infrastructure provision, experience further suggests that the poor, especially women, do not necessarily benefit from investment in infrastructure alone. Other services such as skills transfer and access to credit are critical if the poor are to benefit from investment in infrastructure (ibid.).

Lessons of the Urban Renewal Programme Several lessons can be teased out from a critical assessment of the Urban Renewal Programme. First, it is important to establish a common understanding between various stakeholders with regard to the development of the

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area. At present there are competing visions of what the Urban Renewal Programme is all about. The District Work Group, recently established, could address some of the problems encountered in the past. Second, it is important to identify and secure necessary capacity in the form of appropriate expertise and adequate funding at the outset. In the study area, the National Department of Transport and the North and South Central Local Councils are largely responsible for funding the Urban Renewal Programme. Although some resources have been allocated for the programme, getting access to additional funding could be a problem in future. Besides, the planned facilitation of private sector investment and involvement in the Urban Renewal Programme will not necessarily result in massive injections of capital. Lack of sustainable funding is one of the most important factors in the scaling down or closure of large-scale projects. Third, in the absence of appropriate institutional arrangements, development projects are impossible to sustain. Although the District Work Group has been established, if conflict of interests are not appropriately managed, effective implementation of the programme could be hampered. A classic example in the DMA is the Point Waterfront Development Project, which was stalled for more than six years after the initial agreement was reached. Fourth, an appropriate communication strategy is critical for a successful implementation of the Urban Renewal Programme. Diffel,ent political, economic and social interests have different access to information and knowledge about the Urban Renewal Programme. This differential access to key information could lead to the powerful or the organised using their knowledge base to maximise their benefits. Fifth, one of the lessons learnt in the Urban Renewal Programme is the importance of effective project management and financial control within an inter-departmental structure. It appears that the programme has established effective systems of financial control and programme management. Sixth, the importance of a well thought-out strategy for training and skills transfer was also underscored in the Urban Renewal Programme. Within the study area there is criticism from some civil society representatives claiming that the 'Urban Renewal Programme is largely led by white experts and the private sector' with no articulated strategy for skills transfer to blacks and women. Those most vocal were representatives of the informal traders in the Warwick Avenue area. Finally, without establishing appropriate monitoring and evaluation mechanisms, it is often difficult to evaluate whether or not programmes are able to achieve their objectives. Evidence from this study suggests that in spite of its claims to contribute to poverty alleviation, no targets have been spelt out, and the beneficiaries of the programme are generally targeted, but not specifically identified.

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TOWARDS A POLICY FRAMEWORK FOR LOCAL ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT Empowering Legislation The streets of Durban, like other streets in m a n y cities of South Africa, have been transformed by the phenomenal growth of informal trading. The attitudes of officials have changed from repression to accommodation, in some respects to active promotion of the informal trading. However, there still exists a legislative maze which needs to be radically revamped in line with the new Constitution. The current legislation does not r e s p o n d effectively to current realities of the world of informal trading. Some of the regulations and legislative measures have the potential to delay the implementation of the Urban Renewal Programme.

Human Resource Development for the SMMEs At a national level, the new government established Ntsika as a facility to provide non-financial support to the SMMEs. In addition, Local Business Development Centres have been accredited to provide training and support. Several of those interviewed suggested that these agencies do not have the capacity to adequately address the problems currently faced by the SMMEs. In the case of the Urban Renewal Programme, apart from references to capacity building and skill~ transfer, there is no dearly articulated human resource strategy for the SMMEs. The physical regeneration of the Warwick Avenue area will not necessarily be matched by an innovative strategy to increase the skill.~ base and the expertise of informal traders.

Building Institutional Arrangements to Empower Informal Traders There is a proliferation of informal orgartisations claiming to represent the interests and needs of informal traders in the DMA. Because of different capacities within these informal trading associations, the concerns of the majority of informal traders are not adequately presented to the many state institutions dealing with informal trade. This concern is visibly pronounced in the case of the Urban Renewal Programme. A significant proportion of those interviewed suggested that the newly established institutional arrangements set up to provide funding, advice and training have capacity constraints. In the words of one civil society representative, 'these institutions need a fundamental overhaul as they are not adequately responsive to the needs of informal traders'. Lack of capital has and continues to be one of the most critical success factors in any business undertaking. As revealed in the 1997 survey of informal traders, the majority of street traders are just managing to eke out a

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living. The challenge is to develop innovative mechanisms to improve financial support through institutions such as K_hula. In the Urban Renewal Programme it is not clear how these institutions are being deployed to empower informal traders. Although the state's response to informal traders is at present positive, there is a lack of capacity within state institutions to respond to the needs of traders. The provision of services to traders is inadequate, with the majority of traders' needs such as shelter, tables and chairs and refuse removal, not being adequately met by the state. Although the Urban Renewal Programme suggests that some of these would be provided, it is doubtful whether existing resources from the state would meet the needs of informal traders.

Role Clarification There are several important stakeholders, which purport to promote Local Economic Development in KwaZulu-Natal. At the LED workshop convened by the Department of Economic Affairs and Tourism in February 1998 delegates confirmed that the role of different stakeholders has not been adequately clarified. Some delegates further accepted that the Constitution and the White Paper on Local Government, and the Development Facilitation Act have set in place broad parameters from which a LED strategy could be developed. Although workshop delegates welcomed attempts by the Department of Constitutional Development to facilitate research on LED, they pointed out that most local authorities do not have adequate capacity to promote LED. Other delegates accepted attempts by the KwaZulu-Natal's Department of Economic Affairs and Tourism aimed at developing a LED strategy for the province. Evidence from interviews with the private sector suggests that the promotion of LED is more visible at the level of rhetoric than of reality. Apart from the private sector's alleged involvement in the promotion of the Durban's Central Business District, and in crime prevention mechanisms, there have been few attempts to engage representatives of different sectors of informal traders. The role of civil society is also still ill defined. However, the KwaZulu-Natal Department of Economic Affairs and Tourism has produced a draft LED programme that promises to involve civil society organisations. Other suggestions included the establishment of the LED Network and the LED Forum in the province (Department of Economic Affairs 1998).

Addressing the Specific Needs of Women The ability of women to initiate change is largely limited by a number of factors which derive from the organisation of urban informal trading and the structuring of gender relations. Despite the introduction of more tolerant

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policies towards urban informal trading, the experiences of women in the Warwick Avenue area reveal that the benefits are unevenly shared. These experiences raise three important issues about the future of women's participation in urban informal trading in South Africa in particular. First, existing macro-planning attempts to 'support' people, do not consider that different people have different needs which vary depending on their life experiences. The Urban Renewal Programme is a classic example. Second, the needs of women are diverse and their objectives differ widely. The following distinctions could be made: 9 9 9 9 9 9

Those Those Those Those Those Those

women for whom the informal trading is crudal to their survival who seek to maximise their profit and build a business who enter the sector temporarily who see it as a lifelong survival strategy who have well-established "businesses' who are just starting out

Representatives of w o m e n traders i n t e r v i e w e d s u g g e s t e d that these distinctions were not given thorough consideration in the Urban Renewal Programme. The third important lesson is that the perpetuation of unequal access to resources in the city is a major constraint to women. Although the Urban Renewal Programme makes provision for the establishment of a primary health facility, much-needed overnight accommodation, and a cr6che, the new modernised trading space is likely to reinforce patriarchal social relations and facilitate capitalist accumulation, rather than challenging existing power relations in the city.

Information and Communication Strategy Lack of appropriate information is another critical problem identified by those interviewed. Although various local state agencies have established their own communication units, it appears that these attempts have limited benefits to informal traders in the Warwick Avenue area. Informal traders' access to information on the Urban Renewal Programme is uneven, and very difficult in most cases. The inaccessibility of information has severely hampered informal traders' ability to engage policy makers from the position of knowledge. In general, this makes it difficult for street traders to take advantage of available resources and possible training supported by the state. In order to address this problem, there are plans to relocate the office co-ordinating the Urban Renewal Programme to the site where it is being implemented.

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Almost all those interviewed agreed that the content of the information currently communicated, and the channels through which the information is delivered, should be improved. Whether adequate resources to address this concern will be p r o v i d e d is u n c e r t a i n given national g o v e r n m e n t ' s commitment to fiscal restraints. CONCLUSION The Urban Renewal Programme itself is not explicitly addressing poverty alleviation. Rather, it is aimed at modernising and commerciaLising the area, creating hopefully improved conditions for informal traders, renovating transport networks, and upgrading environmental facilities. Although there are indirect benefits which could result in poverty alleviation, these are difficult to quantify and impossible to measure. Another important finding is that national, provincial and metropolitan policy guidelines have generally informed the Urban Renewal Programme. However, the claims b y project leaders that the programme is being implemented within an integrated development approach may be overstating the case. Despite broad consensus that the programme is of national importance, there are limited co-ordinating mechanisms between different spheres of g o v e r n m e n t in its implementation. Moreover, there are, no evaluation and monitoring mechanisms embedded in the programme itself. The importance of consultation in d e v e l o p m e n t projects has been recognised as central to any reconstruction programme. However, the process of bringing on board relevant key stakeholders in the Warwick Avenue area was not achieved until recently. There are still signs that the voices of the unorganised are sidelined by powerful interest groups which appear to dominate the Urban Renewal Programme. One of the most important features of the new dispensation is the creation of new institutional arrangements to facilitate development and empowerment of those sectors previously excluded from the political, economic and social benefits in society. A striking aspect, however, is lack of resources and appropriate skills. Within the context of the Urban Renewal Programme, there was consensus from those interviewed that Khula and Ntsika do not have resources and appropriate expertise to assist informal traders in the Warwick Avenue area. Based on evidence from interviews with representatives of various organisations, the following conclusions have been reached. First, there was limited consultation in the conceptualisation, design, and implementation of the Urban Renewal Programme. Second, historically, a number of small and emerging entrepreneurs participating in large-scale projects is limited. Third, contrary to stated in official pronouncements, the Urban Renewal Programme shows signs of a limited co-ordinated approach as a result of parallel

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development projects taking place in the Durban Metropolitan Area. Fourth, because of the structure of the urban economy largely created by apartheid planning and capital accumulation, the Urban Renewal Programme is likely to result in an unequal spread of benefits.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT This paper is a summary of a large case study on Local Economic Development for the Department of Constitutional Development. Grateful thanks are extended to all those who were interviewed, the Department of Economic Affairs and Tourism in KwaZulu-Natal, the Durban Metro Council's Department of Economic Development, and project leaders of the Urban Renewal Programme. Special words of appreciation are due to Professor Sue Parnell and all members of the Isandla Institute research team who provided insightful comments on earlier versions of this paper.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Cox, K.R. 1993. The local and the global in the new urban politics: A critical review. Environmental and Planning D: Society and Space 11:433-48. Department of Economic Affairs and Tourism. 1996. Provincial Growth and Development Strategy. KwaZulu-Natal Province, Durban. - - 1 9 9 7 . Draft Working Document on Local Economic Development Programme. RDP Chief Directorate, KwaZulu-Natal Province, Durban. - - 1 9 9 8 . Local Economic Development Programme. RDP Chief Directorate, KwaZulu-Natal Province, Durban. Harding, A. 1995: Elite Theory and Growth Machines. In D. Judge, G. Stoker and H. Wolman (eds), Theories of Urban Politics. London: Sage, pp.35-53. Hart, D.M. and Rogerson, C.M. 1989. Towards accommodationist planning in South Africa's secondary sector: The case of hawker deregulation. Developaient Southern Africa 6:161-72. Imrie, R.F. and Thomas, H. 1992. The wrong side of the tracks: A study of local economic regeneration. Policy and Politics 20:213-26. Joint Steering Committee. 1997. Integrated Development Framework from Sani Pass Workshop. Durban. Khosa, M.M. 1996. Evaluation of Community-based Public Works in KwaZulu-Natal. Report for the Depa~h~-tentof Public Works, Pretoria. Maharaj, B. and Rambali, K. 1996. Recent economic trends in local economic development: Policy implications for urban reconstruction and development in South Africa. Urban Forum 7(2):159-82.

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Markewicz, English and Associates. 1997. Inner City Market Study: Status Quo Report. Department of Informal Trade and Small Business Opportunities, Durban Naidoo, K. 1993. Work and Life of Women in the Informal Sector: A Case Study of the Warwick Avenue Triangle. Master's dissertation, Department of Geographical and Environmental Studies, University of Natal, Durban. Raco, M. 1997. Business associations and the politics of urban renewal: The case of Lower Don Valley, Sheffield. Urban Studies 34(3):383-402. Republic of South Africa. 1987. White Paper on Privatisation and Deregulation in the Republic of South Africa. Pretoria: Government Printer. Tomlinson, R. 1993. Urban economic development in South Africa. Development Southern Africa 10(3):335-59.

Interviews Bytte, John. Durban Chamber of Commerce and Industries, Durban, 18 Feb. 1998. Botha, Dean. Department of Informal Business Development, Durban, 6 March 1998. Dobson, R. Urban Renewal Programme leader, Durban, 29 May 1998. Fakazi, J.J. Department of Economic Affairs and Tourism, Durban, 17 Feb. 1998. Horn, Pat. Self-employed Women's Union, Durban, 17 Feb. 1998. Magubane. P. Secretary General, Inyanda Chamber of Commerce, Mpumalanga, 16 Feb. 1998. Sabela, Nanana. Department of Economic Affairs and Tourism, Durban, 9 and 17 Feb. 1998. Watkinson, Eric. Economic Development Department, Durban Metropolitan Council, Durban, 16 and 27 Feb. 1998. Wilkinson, Sue. Department of Urban Development and Design, Urban Renewal Programme leader, Durban, ] 3 March 1998.