A Piece of Lost History: M a x W e b e r a n d L o w e l l L. B e n n i o n LAURIE NEWMAN DIPADOVA AND RALPH S. BROW~R

This a r t i c l e d i s c u s s e s Max Weber's Methodology, L o w e l l L. B e n n i o n ' s ( 1 9 3 3 ) p u b l i s h e d d o c t o r a l d i s s e r t a t i o n f r o m t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f Strasbourg, F r a n c e . This b o o k is i m p o r t a n t b e c a u s e it is t h e first s y s t e m a t i c English l a n g u a g e t r e a t m e n t o f W e b e r ' s w o r k . It also s u g g e s t s an e a r l y l i n k b e t w e e n W e b e r i a n a n d Durkheimian scholarship and f o r e s h a d o w s later debates regarding Talcott Parsons' interpretation of Weber. Additionally the book provides a unique contribution b y a p p l y i n g W e b e r ' s "Calvinism-Capitalism" t h e s i s to t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f Mormonism. W e e x p l o r e t h e a c a d e m i c c o n t e x t in w h i c h t h e b o o k w a s w r i t t e n a n d its r e c e p t i o n b y A m e r i c a n s o c i o l o g i s t s at t h e time. A f t e r s u m m a r i z i n g t h e t e x t , w e e x a m i n e its p e r s p e c t i v e o n t h e i s s u e s l a t e r r a i s e d a b o u t P a r s o n s ' a c c o u n t o f W e b e r . W e c o n c l u d e by l o o k i n g at L o w e l l B e n n i o n as a s o c i o l o g i s t a n d a d e v o u t M o r m o n , and the u n i q u e c o n n e c t i o n t h a t h e f o r g e d b e t w e e n his religion and Max W e b e r ' s ideas. Few doctoral dissertations merit even the a f t e r t h e y w e r e w r i t t e n ; L o w e l l L. B e n n i o n ' s Methodology, is a s t r i k i n g e x c e p t i o n . ~ It is t h e in the English language about Max Weber;

most casual interest a half century ( 1 9 3 3 ) d i s s e r t a t i o n , Max Weber's first book-length sociological work only 100 copies were printed. A

r e c e n t i s s u e o f t h e International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society ( B e n n i o n 1992) contains an excerpt from this work, marking the first republication of Bennion's interpretation of Weber since his dissertation appeared nearly six decades ago. 2

Laurie N e w m a n DiPadova is a Ph.D. candidate in the D e p a r t m e n t of Public Administration and Policy, Nelson A. Rockefeller College of Public Affairs and Policy, State University of N e w York, Albany NY 12222. Her field is organizational behavior and theory; h e r p r i m a r y area of research is the relationship b e t w e e n organizational hierarchy and managerial leadership. Ralph S. Brower is a Ph.D. student in the D e p a r t m e n t of Public Administration and Policy, Nelson A. Rockefeller College of Public Affairs and Policy, State University of N e w York, Albany, NY 12222. He is currently investigating the m o d e s of w h i t e collar resistance in p u b l i c bureaucracies. DiPadova and Brower

37

Several factors suggest the i m p o r t a n c e of B e n n i o n ' s book. First, it was, at the time of its publication, the only systematic t r e a t m e n t in English of t h e b r o a d b o d y of W e b e r ' s work. In the early 1930s W e b e r was k n o w n to American scholars only t h r o u g h the limited translations of Frank Knight and Talcott Parsons. 3 Bennion's t e x t p r o v i d e d the English language a u d i e n c e w i t h a robust understanding of W e b e r ' s t hought . His direct and readable style and i n t e g r a t i o n of t h e m e s from disparate W e b e r i a n writings c o n s t i t u t e d at the time the best rendering and s u m m a t i o n of W e b e r f r om W e b e r ' s p e r s p e c t i v e . Second, it was w r i t t e n only 13 years after W e b e r ' s d e a t h and was i n f l u e n c e d by scholars w h o w e r e c o n t e m p o r a r i e s of W e b e r . I n t r o d u c e d to W e b e r ' s w o r k by Erich Voegelin at the University of Vienna, B e n n i o n w r o t e t he dissertation u n d e r Maurice Halb wac hs at the University of Strasbourg. This intriguing a c a d e m i c p e d i g r e e suggests a possible Durkeimian i nfl uence in B e n n i o n ' s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of We ber . Third, M a x Weber's Methodology was k n o w n by s o m e American sociologists in the 1930s. It was cited by H o w a r d B ecker and Harry Barnes, as well as by Talcott Parsons. Bennion had also f as hi one d an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of W e b e r w h i c h f o r e s h a d o w e d the efforts of t h o s e w h o criticized Parsons four d e c a d e s later. Had B e nn io n ' s w o r k g a t h e r e d g r e a t e r visibility, it is possible that t he r e c e p t i o n of P a r s o n s ' ( 1 9 4 9 1 1 9 3 7 ] ) The S t r u c t u r e o f S o c i a l A c t i o n w o u l d h a v e b e e n c o n t e x t u a l i z e d s o m e w h a t differently. Finally, B e n n i o n ' s dissertation also p r e s e n t e d an a p p l i c a t i o n o f W e b e r ' s "Calvinism-Capitalism" thesis to the d e v e l o p m e n t of Mormonism. This analysis f r o m B e n n io n c o r r o b o r a t e d the W e b e r i a n thesis at a time w h e n it was u n d e r attack (cf. R o b e r t s o n 1933). The section of the b o o k titled "Mormonism, A Study of t he Interplay of Religious and Economic Forces, "4 presents Bennion's analysis--a unique c o n t r i b u t i o n to W e b e r scholarship e v e n today. In spite o f th es e factors attesting to t he i m p o r t a n c e of t he B e n n i o n w o r k , M a x Weber's Methodology did not b e c o m e p r o m i n e n t . Exercising our "sociological imagination" (Mills 1959), w e s ought the reasons for this anomaly and f o u n d h e r e an intriguing story e m b e d d e d in the c o n n e c t i o n s b e t w e e n a scholar's life, t h e prevailing n e t w o r k s of influential sociologists of that time, and t he sorting and selection o f ideas in American sociology. In this article w e p r e s e n t the a c a d e m i c c o n t e x t in w h i c h M a x Weber's Methodology was w r i t t e n and h o w it was r e c e i v e d by som e American sociologists at th e time. After summarizing B e n n i o n ' s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of W e b e r , w e c o m p a r e it to the issues d e b a t e d about Parsons' r e n d e r i n g of Weber. We conclude by looking at Lowell B e n n i o n as a sociologist and as a d e v o u t M o r m o n , and the u n i q u e c o n n e c t i o n that he f or ged b e t w e e n the t w o disparate passions: his religion and Max W e b e r ' s ideas. The Academic Context Lowell B en n ion p u r s u e d d o c t o r a l studies in E urope f r o m 1930 to 1933. Beginning with a s u m m e r session at the University of Erlangen, Germany, ~ he con-

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t i n u e d his s t u d i e s at t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f Vienna, 6 r e g a r d e d at t h e t i m e as t h e p r e m i e r i n t e l l e c t u a l c e n t e r o f E u r o p e , a n d p e r h a p s t h e w o r l d . It w a s in P r o f e s s o r Erich V o e g e l i n ' s s o c i o l o g y o f r e l i g i o n s e m i n a r t h a t B e n n i o n first e n c o u n t e r e d Weber's thought. 7 Voegelin, a legal/political philosopher, was a Weberian scholar a n d h a d b e e n a s t u d e n t o f Alfred W e b e r , M a x ' s b r o t h e r ( V o e g e l i n 1989). 8 In a r e c e n t i n t e r v i e w B e n n i o n r e c a l l e d h o w W e b e r h a d i m m e d i a t e l y c a p t u r e d his i n t e r e s t . H e felt t h a t Max W e b e r h a d t h e m o s t c r e a t i v e m i n d h e h a d e v e r encountered. W e b e r ' s ~distinction b e t w e e n the nature of empirical reality and values" i m m e d i a t e l y s e i z e d B e n n i o n ' s a t t e n t i o n b e c a u s e , h e said, "It m a k e s f o r c l e a r e r t h i n k i n g if y o u s e p a r a t e f a c t u a l p r o p o s i t i o n s f r o m v a l u e j u d g m e n t s . W e b e r did this c o n s i s t e n t l y . "9 T h e rise o f p r o - N a z i s e n t i m e n t in Austria c r e a t e d an i n c r e a s i n g l y o p p r e s s i v e milieu f o r A m e r i c a n s t u d e n t s as w e l l as f o r i n t e l l e c t u a l s in g e n e r a l . M a n y p r o f e s sors at t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f V i e n n a h a d to flee A u s t r i a f o r t h e U n i t e d States a n d o t h e r c o u n t r i e s b e f o r e t h e e n d o f t h e d e c a d e ; Eric V o e g e l i n w a s a m o n g t h e m . B e n n i o n also left Austria; h e c o m p l e t e d his d i s s e r t a t i o n at t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f S t r a s b o u r g u n d e r M a u r i c e H a l b w a c h s w h o , as B e n n i o n recalls, t~ t h e n c h a i r e d t h e s o c i o l o g y d e p a r t m e n t . Bennion had c o n t a c t e d h i m in a d v a n c e , m a k i n g a r r a n g e m e n t s to c o m p l e t e t h e d i s s e r t a t i o n u n d e r his g u i d a n c e . B e n n i o n r e m e m b e r s P r o f e s s o r H a l b w a c h s as "a n i c e p e r s o n , kind, c o o p e r a t i v e , a n d g r a c i o u s in e v e r y w a y . "11 Bennion's relationship with Halbwachs, who had studied with Bergson and D u r k h e i m , raises t h e q u e s t i o n o f w h a t i n t e r c o n n e c t i o n s e x i s t e d b e t w e e n G e r man and French sociology. Few scholars have emphasized connections between t h e s e s c h o o l s in this p e r i o d ; h o w e v e r , B e n n i o n ' s d i s s e r t a t i o n c i t e d t w o j o u r n a l articles t h a t H a l b w a c h s h a d w r i t t e n ( 1 9 2 5 , 1929) a b o u t W e b e r a n d his w o r k . 12 H a l b w a c h s s t r o n g l y e n c o u r a g e d his s t u d e n t to w r i t e t h e d i s s e r t a t i o n in English m B e n n i o n w o u l d h a v e p r e f e r r e d to w r i t e in G e r m a n , as h e k n e w t h e l a n g u a g e a n d c o u l d h a v e a v o i d e d t h e difficulties o f t r a n s l a t i n g s o m e o f W e b e r ' s c o n c e p t s i n t o English. B e n n i o n b e l i e v e s t h a t H a l b w a c h s a n t i c i p a t e d t h a t a d i s s e r t a t i o n in English w o u l d s p r e a d W e b e r ' s ideas to a l a r g e r E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g a u d i e n c e , t3 In D e c e m b e r o f 1933, at a g e t w e n t y - f i v e , B e n n i o n w a s a w a r d e d t h e d e g r e e o f Docteur D'Universit~ de Strasbourg, avec m e n t i o n honorable. Although he s u c c e s s f u l l y d e f e n d e d t h e d i s s e r t a t i o n , B e n n i o n r e c a l l s t h a t s o m e m e m b e r s o f his committee "had problems with Weber" and challenged him on some pointsm b u t n o t o n his i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f W e b e r ) 4 It w a s c o m m o n t h e n to p u b l i s h Univ e r s i t y o f S t r a s b o u r g d i s s e r t a t i o n s ; o f t h e 100 c o p i e s o f M a x W e b e r ' s M e t h o d ology t h a t w e r e p r i n t e d , o n l y a f e w w e r e d i s t r i b u t e d to s e l e c t l i b r a r i e s in t h e U n i t e d States. Is Some American sociologists soon became aware of the Bennion work. M a x Weber's M e t h o d o l o g y is r e f e r e n c e d b y H o w a r d B e c k e r a n d H a r r y E. B a r n e s in t h e i r ( 1 9 6 1 1 1 9 3 8 ] ) Social Thought: F r o m Lore to Science, VoL H . 16 T a l c o t t P a r s o n s (1949: 26) r e f e r r e d to B e n n i o n ' s a n d his o w n w o r k as ~the m o s t c o m p r e h e n s i v e s e c o n d a r y a c c o u n t s in English" f o r W e b e r ' s s o c i o l o g y o f r e l i g i o n . I n a 1935 l e t t e r B e c k e r o u t l i n e d f o r B e n n i o n his s u g g e s t i o n s f o r an e s s a y o n W e b e r (See A p p e n d i x A ) . 17 This l e t t e r r e v e a l s B e c k e r ' s r e g a r d f o r M a x W e b e r as w e l l as DiPadova and Brower

39

his r e s p e c t for B e n n i o n ' s k n o w l e d g e o f W e b e r . B e c k e r c h a r a c t e r i z e d A m e r i c a n s o c i o l o g i s t s as l a c k i n g an a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r t h e b r e a d t h of W e b e r ' s w o r k ; his t h o u g h t s are illuminating: Don't pay too much attention to the Capitalism-Calvinism controversy as such. Point out that Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft are far more important for the sociologist than the Religionssoziologie, and that in the latter there are sections at least as important as the one on Calvinism. This is necessary because the tendency to sloganize everything results in Weber's being identified with the C.C. thesis in the minds of most American sociologists, whereas you know he is m u c h bigger than that. W h i l e w e c a n n o t k n o w for sure w h a t B e c k e r p l a n n e d to d o w i t h t h e p r o p o s e d essay, it is B e n n i o n ' s r e c o l l e c t i o n that " B e c k e r w a s g o i n g to w r i t e a b o o k o n t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f s o c i o l o g y and p u t that e s s a y in it.'18 W e also d o n o t k n o w h o w B e n n i o n and B e c k e r c a m e to k n o w e a c h o t h e r , n o r if t h e y s u b s e q u e n t l y c o r r e sponded. Bennion never w r o t e the essay Becker requested. In a 1937 letter, B e n n i o n invited Kimball Y o u n g , 1 9 t h e n at the U n i v e r s i t y o f W i s c o n s i n , Madison, to r e v i e w M a x Weber's Methodology (see A p p e n d i x B); in that c o r r e s p o n d e n c e B e n n i o n m e n t i o n e d that A l e x a n d e r v o n Schelting and H o w a r d B e c k e r h a d c o r r e s p o n d e d w i t h h i m a b o u t it. Louis W i r t h , in a n o t h e r l e t t e r w r i t t e n in F e b r u a r y o f 1938, w h e n h e w a s a s s o c i a t e e d i t o r o f The A m e r i c a n J o u r n a l o f Sociology, i n d i c a t e d t h a t t h e editors h a d b e c o m e a w a r e of t h e d i s s e r t a t i o n a n d w i s h e d to r e v i e w it f o r t h e journal. He a s k e d B e n n i o n f o r a c o p y , o r f o r i n f o r m a t i o n r e g a r d i n g w h e r e a c o p y c o u l d b e o b t a i n e d . N o r e v i e w of M a x Weber's Methodology e v e r a p p e a r e d in the AJS, n o r in any o t h e r m a j o r English l a n g u a g e a c a d e m i c journal, a n d it c a n n o t b e c o n f i r m e d that W i r t h e v e r r e c e i v e d a c o p y o f t h e w o r k . It w a s t h e fate o f B e n n i o n ' s w o r k to b e lost to A m e r i c a n s o c i o l o g y . Bennion's

Interpretation

of Weber

B e n n i o n ' s b o o k , w r i t t e n s h o r t l y after W e b e r ' s d e a t h , w a s b a s e d o n t h e a u t h o r ' s o w n translation o f the G e r m a n originals as well as i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s b y o t h e r G e r m a n scholars. B e n n i o n a n a l y z e d W e b e r ' s h i s t o r i c a l s o c i o l o g y o f religion, e c o n o m i c s , a n d politics. He d e m o n s t r a t e d a p e r c e p t i v e u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f W e b e r ' s p o l i t i c a l e c o n o m y . He g a i n e d c o m m a n d o f m a t e r i a l w r i t t e n in a f o r e i g n l a n g u a g e as w e l l as in a " f o r m i d a b l e a n d f o r b i d d i n g " style ( G e r t h & Mills 1946: v), 2~ a g g r e g a t e d ideas f r o m d i v e r s e t h e o r e t i c a l a n d s u b s t a n t i v e t h e m e s , a n d c r y s t a l i z e d f r o m t h e s e t h e e s s e n c e o f W e b e r ' s a p p r o a c h to s o c i o l o g y . 21

M a x Weber's Historical Methodology In the first o f t h r e e p a r t s o f t h e b o o k , B e n n i o n o u t l i n e d t h e e s s e n c e a n d origins o f W e b e r ' s h i s t o r i c a l m e t h o d o l o g y . 22 He s h o w e d h o w W e b e r ' s l o g i c a l f o u n d a t i o n w a s g r o u n d e d in the p r o g r e s s i o n o f G e r m a n p h i l o s o p h i c a l t h o u g h t f r o m H e g e l to Marx to the "Historical S c h o o l s o f E c o n o m i c s " (e.g., H i l d e b r a n d ,

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R o s c h e r , Knies) a n d h o w it w a s an e x t e n s i o n / m o d i f i c a t i o n to R i c k e r t ' s h i s t o r i c a l m e t h o d s . B e n n i o n s t r e s s e d that, like Rickert, W e b e r b e l i e v e d : objects exist and occur in reality, but have neither historical nor social value or meaning in and of themselves . . . . That w h i c h is of historical pertinence is selected from the historical-social reality by bringing it into relationship with ideas of value, i.e. present day values . . . . (But) Weber does not accept (Rickert's) superhistorical rankorder of values as a basis for scientific research. According to him, ideas of value are derived from that particular order of society into w h i c h one is born and from the "demon" in one which in turn determine the interest of the researcher . . . . There is, therefore, no universal, objective interpretation of reality w h i c h could demand historical recognition from all men (p. 42). 23 B e n n i o n s a w W e b e r ' s c e n t r a l m e t h o d o l o g i c a l p r o b l e m a n d c o n t r i b u t i o n as a r e s p o n s e to t h e q u e s t i o n o f h o w t h e social s c i e n c e s c a n lay claim to o b j e c t i v i t y w h i l e b r i n g i n g e v e n t s , o b j e c t s , a n d p e r s o n a l i t y into j u x t a p o s i t i o n w i t h ideas o f value. W e b e r ' s s o l u t i o n w a s the f o r m u l a t i o n o f his c o n c e p t i o n o f t h e "ideal t y p e , " an a b s t r a c t c o n s t r u c t i o n in w h i c h certain components of the numerous phenomena of reality are accentuated ("geisteigert') in thought; other components are omitted. Having constructed the objective, logical possibilities, the particular event in question is understandable in light of these types . . . . The ideal type is so constructed that it is non-contradictory with itself and is, therefore, logically an objective possibility (pp. 44-45). B e n n i o n o b s e r v e d that W e b e r ' s m e t h o d o l o g i c a l w o r k a r o s e as a r e a c t i o n to Marx, n o t i n g that b o t h Marx a n d W e b e r h a d a c o m m o n c o n c e r n , an u n d e r s t a n d ing o f "the fate o f m o d e r n m a n in a c a p i t a l i s t o r d e r , " a n d h e d e s c r i b e d h o w "their m e t h o d s and c o n c l u s i o n s w e r e e n t i r e l y different" (p. 10). Marx, in B e n n i o n ' s v i e w , h e l d that " m a n is in his t r u e s t a n d real s e n s e (a) social b e i n g " (p. 20), b u t that t h e m u t u a l efforts o f all i n d i v i d u a l s u n l e a s h m a t e r i a l c o n d i t i o n s b e y o n d t h e p o w e r o f a n y o n e to c o n t r o l . T h u s , "the e v e r - i n c r e a s i n g r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n o f e c o n o m i c a n d social life in the capitalist o r d e r m a d e c o n t e m p o r a r y m a n m o r e a n d m o r e s e l f - e s t r a n g e d " (p. 47). In c o n t r a s t , B e n n i o n said W e b e r p o s i t e d t h a t ration a l i z a t i o n " e l i m i n a t e d all m a g i c f r o m t h e w o r l d " (p. 47), m a k i n g t h e w o r l d ' s f o r c e s m o r e r e c k o n a b l e f o r t h e individual. T h u s , r a t h e r t h a n s e l f - e s t r a n g e d , t h e individual, b e i n g t h r o w n u p o n his o w n r e s o u r c e s , b e c a m e conscious of himself as an entity, as an individual of responsibility. This feeling of responsibility of the individual is awakened on the one hand by the elimination of magic and supernatural powers, and on the other hand by the existence of the innumerable 'institutions', 'organizations', 'systems', 'establishments', and 'orders' of modern life created by his position in the face of these superpowers. In this struggle he becomes conscious of his freedom. The responsibility of the individual is, for Weber, not only the result of rationalization but also its greatest value. The inspiring motive of both his research and social-politics was to u n c o v e r and preserve this freedom for the responsible individual (p. 48).

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B e n n i o n linked W e b e r ' s c r i t i q u e o f Marx to W e b e r ' s e t h i c o f r e s p o n s i b i l i t y : In Marx's determinism there is no room for ethics which must presuppose at least relative freedom of the individual. The feeling of freedom would first be awakened in the socialistic state. Weber believes that a socialistic state would, on the contrary, rob the individual of every feeling of freedom. Here Weber distinguishes between two types of responsibility, that of the technical official ('Fachbeamte') w h o is not responsible to himself but to the institution for which he works, and that of the "entrepreneur" w h o is responsible to himself only. In the inevitable advance of bureaucratization Weber envisages the chief danger to the freedom of the individual. The transformation of society into a socialistic state would not solve the problem, but would climax the process of destroying every particle of personal responsibility (p. 48-49). 24

Max Weber's Sociology o f Religion In the s e c o n d s e c t i o n o f t h e text, entitled, "A S t u d y o f t h e I n f l u e n c e o f Religious Beliefs o n E c o n o m i c Life," B e n n i o n e x a m i n e s W e b e r ' s n o w w e l l - k n o w n thesis c o n n e c t i n g P r o t e s t a n t a s c e t i c i s m a n d m o d e r n capitalism. 2~ B e n n i o n illust r a t e d h o w W e b e r c o m p a r e d Calvinism, Pietism, M e t h o d i s m , a n d t h e Baptist sects for t h e i r varied a c c e p t a n c e o f a w o r l d l y calling a n d p r a c t i c a l rational c o n duct. B e n n i o n n o t e d that " W e b e r has m e t w i t h c r i t i c i s m for n o t h a v i n g g i v e n sufficient c r e d i t to social s t r u c t u r e and c o m m e r c i a l a n d financial o r g a n i z a t i o n " (p. 58). R e i t e r a t i n g a c e n t r a l t h e m e o f his b o o k , h e r e s p o n d e d that W e b e r did n o t dismiss t h e s e factors, b u t that Weber's sociology aims to understand the meaningful social conduct of individuals . . . . It is the core of his sociological work and the point of departure for all of his r e s e a r c h . . , the acts of individuals and groups of individuals and the explanations of these acts, are Weber's major interest, not geographical conditions nor the factors of production (p. 58). T h e s e c o n d c h a p t e r in this s e c t i o n is e n t i t l e d " T h e Business Ethic o f t h e W o r l d Religions and The Spirit o f Capitalism. "26 B e n n i o n v i e w e d W e b e r ' s relig i o u s - s o c i o l o g i c a l essays as an a t t e m p t to a n s w e r t h e q u e s t i o n o f w h y "the g r e a t civilizations o f the O r i e n t p r o d u c e d n o ( m o d e r n capitalistic) o r d e r . " T h e s e essays s o u g h t to " c o m p a r ( e ) a n d c o n t r a s t t h e b u s i n e s s e t h i c o f t h e w o r l d r e l i g i o n s w i t h that o f a s c e t i c P r o t e s t a n t i s m in its classical P u r i t a n f o r m " (p. 86). He also r e v i e w e d t h e c o n t e m p o r a r y c r i t i c i s m s o f W e b e r ' s P r o t e s t a n t i s m - C a p i t a l i s m thesis (e.g., T a w n e r , B r e n t a n o , S o m b a r t , T r o e l t s c h , a n d H a l b w a c h s ) . It is h e r e that B e n n i o n a p p l i e d W e b e r ' s analytical f r a m e w o r k to M o r m o n i s m . B e n n i o n p o s i t e d that "the h i s t o r y o f M o r m o n i s m s u b s t a n t i a t e s W e b e r ' s t h e s i s that religious ideas give, e s p e c i a l l y in t h e b e g i n n i n g , a d i r e c t i v e a n d o r i g i n a l i m p e t u s to e c o n o m i c and social d e v e l o p m e n t " (p. 129).

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Max Weber's Sociological Methodology B e n n i o n d e t e c t e d in W e b e r ' s w r i t i n g s w h a t a p p e a r e d to be a c a r e e r t r a n s i t i o n f r o m h i s t o r i c a l to s o c i o l o g i c a l analysis. This m e t h o d o l o g y w a s c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y B e n n i o n as a n a r r o w i n g o f f o c u s f o r t h e o b j e c t s u n d e r study. This t h e m e f o r m e d t h e t h i r d a n d final s e c t i o n o f t h e m a n u s c r i p t . 27 B e n n i o n s u g g e s t e d t h r e e i m p o r tant criteria in W e b e r ' s p r i n c i p l e o f s e l e c t i o n in s o c i o l o g y : ( 1 ) . . . he limits his specific interests of the understandable acts of evaluating individuals, (2) he concentrates his attention on that w h i c h is t y p i c a l . . , w h i c h are illustrative of sociological rules and laws (3) from the multiplicity of meaningful human acts he chooses those that are of functional importance from the standpoint of the whole society (p. 141). B e n n i o n c h a r a c t e r i z e d W e b e r ' s s o c i o l o g y f u r t h e r as " i n t e r p r e t a t i v e " ("versteh e n d e ' ) , f o c u s i n g o n t h e s u b j e c t i v e m e a n i n g f u l acts o f i n d i v i d u a l s a n d t h e und e r s t a n d i n g o f social c o n d u c t . Thus, it i n c l u d e d only that h u m a n c o n d u c t t h a t t h e a c t o r 1) relates to o t h e r a c t o r s a n d 2) to w h i c h t h e a c t o r a t t a c h e s a s u b j e c t i v e m e a n i n g . F r o m this p e r s p e c t i v e , W e b e r d i s t i n g u i s h e s f o u r ideal t y p e s o f c o n d u c t as "practical and useful classification(s) for the p u r p o s e s o f interpretative s o c i o l o g y " (p. 151). W e b e r s u g g e s t e d that c o n d u c t m a y b e d e t e r m i n e d : (1) traditionally, through accustomed habit; (2) affectively, especially emotionally through actual affects and emotional situations; (3) "Wertrationally," through a conscious belief in the ethical, esthetic, religious, or otherwise interpretable, unconditional, absolute value of a definite type of behavior as such, regardless of c o n s e q u e n c e s ; (4) "Zweckrationally," through expectations of the behavior of other individuals and external objects of the world and the employing of these expectations as "stipulations" or "means" of the successful attainment of well considered and desired ends (p. 151). Bennion emphasized two fundamental themes of W e b e r ' s sociology: the process o f r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n "as a g u i d e in i n t e r p r e t i n g social r e l a t i o n s . . . . ( r e g a r d l e s s ) w h e t h e r o n e s t u d i e s his s o c i o l o g y o f religion, s o c i o l o g y o f e c o n o m i c a c t i v i t y o r political relations" (p. 158); and, an " e m p h a s i s o n a u t h o r i t a t i v e rule ( ' H e r r s c h a f t ' ) " (p. 159). R e g a r d i n g this s e c o n d t h e m e , B e n n i o n n o t e d that: Social relations are maintained by the rule of man over man regardless of the basis upon which this relationship originates or is perpetuated. In Weber's sociology of religion, just as much as in his sociology of the state or city, he seeks to u n c o v e r the nature and basis of this authoritative rule. Thus his religious writings deal primarily not with doctrines and institutions but with the struggle for p o w e r between p r o p h e t and priest, between them and secular authorities or b e t w e e n them and laymen. His sociology is an attempt to establish a theory of authoritative rule (p. 159). B e n n i o n d e v e l o p e d this t h e m e w i t h an e x t e n d e d d i s c u s s i o n o f W e b e r ' s t h r e e " p u r e " t y p e s of a u t h o r i t a t i v e rule: rational-legal, traditional, a n d c h a r i s m a t i c . In his final c h a p t e r , B e n n i o n p o i n t e d o u t t w o p r i n c i p a l l i m i t a t i o n s o f W e b e r ' s

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m e t h o d o l o g y . First, the na t ur e of his m e t h o d o l o g y , particularly regarding subjectivity and changeability, der i ve d e x p l a n a t i o n s that are probabl e, but lack a sense o f finality. The s e c o n d limitation was a "lack o f systematization" (p. 168). B e n n i o n a t t rib u ted this to t w o factors: W e b e r ' s r e l u c t a n c e to attach any h i e r a r c h y to his ~ideas o f value," and the strong c o m p a r a t i v e historical t e n d e n c y in his sociology. W e b e r ' s historical c o m p a r i s o n s d r e w on matters that w e r e i m p o r t a n t in t he subjective i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of t hos e times, and this c r e a t e d a " c o n c e p t of h i s t o r y as being s o m e t h i n g individual and i r r e d u c i b l e to laws and general c o n c e p t s " (p. 168). Bennion posited that W e b e r ' s sociological c o n c e p t s remain u n s y s t e m a t i c b e c a u s e his "meaningful social object, the b e h a v i o r of individuals, p r o d u c e s ( n o ) objective criterion to give the c o n c e p t s systematization" (p. 169). Noting that W e b e r ' s w o r k c o n t i n u e d to evolve t h r o u g h o u t his life, Benni on s p e c u l a t e d that his sociology might have acqui r e d g r e a t e r systematization had he lived to continue his research. Having attributed to W e b e r a p r o n o u n c e d i n f l u e n c e on the w o r k o f t h e best G e r m a n sociologists, Bennion p o i n t e d out that W e b e r "was not so i n t e r e s t e d in t h e s t r u c t u r e or form into w h i c h he might bring reality as he was in reality itself." B en n io n c o n c l u d e d that W e b e r ' s m e t h o d o l o g y was left "unfi ni shed and in part u n f o u n d e d " (p. 1 7 2 ) - - " u n f i n i s h e d " b e c a u s e W e b e r ' s thinking was still evolving at the time he died. Bennion's c o n c l u d i n g assertion that t he m e t h o d o l ogy r e m a i n e d " u n f o u n d e d " was based in the fact that the o b j e c t of study, social c o n d u c t , is partially irrational. W e b e r a p p r e c i a t e d and e m b r a c e d the c o m p l e x i ties of subjective meaning in hum an behavior, and thus r e c o g n i z e d that a c o h e r e n t o rd er in g o f ideas was tentative and e m e r g e n t . Debating the Parsonian Interpretation

of Weber

In Parsons' (194911937]) i m p o r t a n t w or k, The Structure o f Soctal Action, f o u r c h a p t e r s p r o v i d e d many American sociologists w i t h t hei r first and lasting understanding of Weber, most of w h o s e w o r k had not t h e n b e e n translated into English. Later translations and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s by others, not abl y G e r t h and Mills (1946) and Reinhard Bendix (1960) c o n t r i b u t e d to a m o r e accurat e r e p r e s e n t a tion of Weber. Parsons a t t e m p t e d to draw into a c o n v e r g e n c e t he voluntaristic act i on theories of Marshall, Pareto, W eber , and Durkheim. His i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of W e b e r and the p r o p o s i t i o n s of c o n v e r g e n c e b e t w e e n W e b e r and D u r k h e i m w e r e largely a c c e p t e d by many in the American sociological c o m m u n i t y . In the mid-1970s, Parsons c a m e u n d e r sharp attack for his i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f D u r k h e i m and W e b e r and for his a r g u m e n t of c o n v e r g e n c e b e t w e e n t hei r theories ( P o p e 1973; Cohen, Hazelrigg, and P o p e 1975a; Pope, Cohen, and Hazelrigg 1975). A short e x c h a n g e of r e s p o n s e s and c o u n t e r - r e s p o n s e f o l l o w e d (Parsons 1975, 1976; C o h en et al. 1975b). In this s e c t i o n w e out l i ne briefly t he p o i n t s o f c o n t e n t i o n b e t w e e n Parsons and his d e t r a c t o r s and t h e n look at B e n n i o n ' s interp r e t a t i o n o n these points. We discuss t he p o t e n t i a l significance of t h e B e n n i o n

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m a n u s c r i p t , h a d his w o r k n o t b e e n i g n o r e d b y W e b e r s c h o l a r s , to c o n t e x t u a l i z e Parsons' and others' interpretations. T w o a r e a s o f c o n t e n t i o n s e p a r a t e d P a r s o n s ' i n t e r p r e t a t i o n f r o m his d e t r a c t o r s . First, P a r s o n s p r e s e n t e d t h e a c t o r , in W e b e r ' s t y p e s o f social c o n d u c t , as h i g h l y n o r m a t i v e l y c o n s t r a i n e d . His d e t r a c t o r s a r g u e d that, o f W e b e r ' s f o u r t y p e s o f social a c t i o n , o n l y v a l u e - r a t i o n a l b e h a v i o r p r e s u m e s a n o r m a t i v e o r i e n t a t i o n . Specifically, t h e y a r g u e t h a t t r a d i t i o n a l a n d Z w e c k r a t i o n a l m o d e s o f a c t i o n are n o t p r i m a r i l y n o r m a t i v e ( C o h e n et al. 1975a). B e n n i o n did n o t e x p a n d o n t h e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t r a d i t i o n a l b e h a v i o r , b u t his p r e s e n t a t i o n o f Z w e c k r a t i o n a l a c t i o n m o r e c l o s e l y c o i n c i d e d w i t h t h e C o h e n et al. i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . H e a s s e r t e d t h a t W e r t r a t i o n a l b e h a v i o r is " t y p i c a l l y b a s e d o n c o m m a n d m e n t s o r p r e c e p t s w h i c h t h e i n d i v i d u a l a c c e p t s as b e i n g justly imp o s e d u p o n h i m " (p. 152), but: In contrast with "Wertrational" behavior, "Zweckrational" conduct is based on the rational choice of the possible means to gain a definite goal. The goal itself may be irrational, that is, beyond scientific research or empirical confirmation; however, that is unimportant. The essence of "Zweckrational" conduct is that one chooses the means methodically and rationally in view of attaining a definite goal (p. 163). The second principal criticism involved Parsons' definition of Herrschaft and the role of p o w e r in W e b e r ' s c o n c e p t i o n o f authority. P a r s o n s t r a n s l a t e d Herrschaft as leadership, w h e r e a s his critics e m p l o y e d B e n d i x ' s ( 1 9 6 0 ) t r a n s l a t i o n , d o m i nance. T h e critics a r g u e d that p o w e r w a s t h e c e n t r a l t h e m e o f Herrschaft ( 1 9 7 5 a ; 237), w h e r e a s P a r s o n s d e - e m p h a s i z e d t h e i m p o r t a n c e of p o w e r in W e b e r ' s w o r k . B e n n i o n i n t e r p r e t e d Herrschaft as " a u t h o r i t a t i v e r u l e " (p. 159) a n d e m p h a s i z e d t h a t t h e n o t i o n o f p o w e r o f o n e i n d i v i d u a l o v e r o t h e r s is c e n t r a l to t h e W e b e r i a n c o n c e p t i o n . His i n t e r p r e t a t i o n a n t i c i p a t e d t h e w o r k o f P a r s o n s ' critics. In a t h i r d d i s p u t e d t h e m e , P a r s o n s ' critics a r g u e d t h a t h e f a s h i o n e d a c o n v e r gence between Weber and Durkheim by presenting misinterpretations of their r e s p e c t i v e w o r k s a n d b y i m p l y i n g a " t r a n s l a t a b i l i t y o f c e r t a i n c o n c e p t s " ( P o p e et al. 1975: 4 2 6 ) w h e r e m a j o r d i f f e r e n c e s a c t u a l l y e x i s t e d . P a r s o n s ( 1 9 7 6 : 3 6 1 ) c o u n t e r e d t h a t P o p e et al. e m p l o y e d "a k i n d o f ( n a r r o w ) l i t e r a l i s m in e m p h a s i z i n g t h e e x a c t w o r d i n g o f s t a t e m e n t s b y t h e o r i g i n a l a u t h o r s in a r e s t r i c t e d c o n t e x t , and repudiating freer interpretations of the authors' meanings and intentions by t a k i n g a c c o u n t of b r o a d e r p e r s p e c t i v e s . " H e a c k n o w l e d g e d a r e c o g n i t i o n o f d i f f e r e n c e s in level o f analysis b e t w e e n W e b e r a n d D u r k h e i m , b u t a r g u e d t h a t his i n t e n t w a s to find a useful s y n t h e s i s o f u n i f y i n g t h e m e s in s o c i o l o g i c a l t h e o r y t h a t set it a p a r t f r o m e c o n o m i c t h e o r y . B e n n i o n ' s t e x t o f f e r e d s e v e r a l u s e f u l p a s s a g e s o n this d e b a t e . W h i l e n o t i n g t h a t W e b e r c o n s i d e r e d " i n t e r p r e t a t i v e s o c i o l o g y as b e i n g o n l y ' o n e ' . . . " o f s e v e r a l "... valuable methods of doing sociological research... " Bennion asserted that W e b e r c l e a r l y set h i m s e l f a p a r t f r o m s t r u c t u r a l - f u n c t i o n a l c o n c e p t i o n s : The structural-functional conception of society i s . . . rejected as an a p p r o a c h to the

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p r o b l e m o f social relations. W e b e r w i s h e d to " c l e a n s e " s o c i o l o g y o f s u c h c o l l e c t i v e " t e r m i n i " as state, nation, c h u r c h , c o r p o r a t i o n . . . . all s u c h t h i n g s are n o t c o n s i d e r e d as b e i n g s t r u c t u r e s o r i n s t i t u t i o n s a p a r t f r o m individuals, b u t " o b j e c t i v e " s i t u a t i o n s o f group conduct. The sociologist cannot ignore such institutions, but he considers them p r i m a r i l y as e x p r e s s i o n s of g r o u p c o n d u c t a n d o n l y s e c o n d a r i l y in t h e i r f u n c t i o n a l o r s t r u c t u r a l a s p e c t (p. 144-45). Elsewhere

Bennion stressed that Weber's

sociology focused on social conduct,

and that T h e e s s e n t i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f all social r e l a t i o n s is that t h e p r o b a b i l i t y e x i s t s t h a t c e r t a i n i n d i v i d u a l s will r e g u l a r l y act in r e l a t i o n a n d o r i e n t a t i o n to t h e acts o r anticip a t e d acts o f e a c h o t h e r . This o r i e n t a t i o n o f social c o n d u c t is n o t to b e c o n f u s e d w i t h social solidarity. It m a y b e e x a c t l y t h e o p p o s i t e (p. 156). Bennion suggested that Weber may be confusing to those who read only selectively from his writings, that to understand his "terminology and system of c o n c e p t s " it is n e c e s s a r y t o v i e w h i s c o m p l e t e w o r k . A n d i n s o d o i n g , in e a c h field, w h e t h e r it b e j u r i s p r u d e n c e , r e l i g i o n o r social stratifications, w e s e e h i m e m p h a s i z i n g n o t i n s t i t u t i o n s a n d social s t r u c t u r e s b u t w h a t w e h a v e t e r m e d "objective" situations. He c o n s t r u c t s in e a c h case t h e p o s s i b l e ideal t y p e s o f social c o n d u c t w h i c h have c r e a t e d and m a i n t a i n e d ~objective" s i t u a t i o n s o r social p r o c e s s e s . O n t h e basis o f t h e s e t y p e s he aims to u n d e r s t a n d that p a r t o f h u m a n c o n d u c t w h i c h is o f c u l t u r a l s i g n i f i c a n c e in cultural p r o c e s s e s (p. 158). In Bennion's view, Weber's sociology was not concerned with examining institutional structures. Bennion's recurrent theme was Weber's focus on the subjective meanings that actors attach to their social situations and how these were related to their social conduct. B a s e d o n t h e i s s u e s in t h e f o r e g o i n g d e b a t e , B e n n i o n ' s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f W e b e r would have disaffirmed the convergence thesis that Parsons posited. We can deduce from Bennion's interpretation, however, that Weber's sociology did not d i a m e t r i c a l l y o p p o s e D u r k h e i m ' s . R a t h e r , W e b e r w a s i n t e r e s t e d in t h e s t r u c t u r a l conditions--the "objective" situations--which confronted and were shaped by s o c i a l a c t o r s . As B e n n i o n c o n c l u d e d in h i s d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e l i m i t a t i o n s o f W e b e r ' s methodology: W e o b s e r v e d in c h a p t e r VII that W e b e r r e j e c t s t h e s t r u c t u r a l - f u n c t i o n a l as w e l l as t h e p s y c h o l o g i c a l a p p r o a c h to sociology. H o w e v e r , in his sociological writings he a p p r o a c h e s t h e p r o b l e m from t h e s t r u c t u r a l - f u n c t i o n a l a s p e c t as w e l l b y s t u d y i n g t h e b e h a v i o r o f individuals. His s y s t e m of c o n c e p t s is n o t o n l y a s y s t e m o f t h e p o s s i b l e " m e a n i n g s " o f b e h a v i o r b u t also o f t h e p o s s i b l e " o b j e c t i v e " situations, o f t h e p o s s i b l e f o r m s o f ass o c i a t i o n b y individuals. T h e s e p o s s i b l e f o r m s o f h u m a n a s s o c i a t i o n are n o t d e d u c e d a l o n e from W e b e r ' s o b s e r v a t i o n s o f i n d i v i d u a l c o n d u c t a n d f o r m e d i n t o l o g i c a l cons t r u c t i o n s , b u t t h e y are also b a s e d o n his k n o w l e d g e o f t h e a c t u a l s t r u c t u r e o f s o c i e t y w h e t h e r o n e calls it " o b j e c t i v e " s i t u a t i o n s o r s t r u c t u r a l - f u n c t i o n a l c o h e r e n c e s . T h u s a l t h o u g h W e b e r lays t h e g r e a t e s t e m p h a s i s o n t h e s u b j e c t i v e m e a n i n g o f social behavo 46

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ior his writings cannot be taken as a rigid system of c o n c e p t s based on an interpretation of individual behavior (pp. 170-71). T h i s a s s e r t i o n d o e s n o t c o n t r a d i c t B e n n i o n ' s v i e w as e x p r e s s e d in t h e p r e v i o u s q u o t a t i o n s . Recall t h a t B e n n i o n n o t e d h o w t h e social a c t i o n s t h a t w e r e W e b e r ' s o b j e c t s o f s t u d y m u s t b e (1) typical, (2) " u n d e r s t a n d a b l e a c t s o f evaluating individuals," w i t h (3) " f u n c t i o n a l i m p o r t a n c e f r o m t h e s t a n d p o i n t o f t h e w h o l e s o c i e t y " (p. 141). V i e w e d w i t h r e g a r d to t h e s e r e q u i r e m e n t s , t h e c a p a c i t y to o b s e r v e an " o b j e c t i v e " s i t u a t i o n w o u l d h a v e b e e n a n e c e s s a r y b u t i n s u f f i c i e n t c o n d i t i o n f o r s o c i o l o g i c a l inquiry. For D u r k h e i m , o n t h e o t h e r h a n d , c a p t u r i n g t h e o b j e c t i v e o r f u n c t i o n a l - s t r u c t u r a l reality w o u l d h a v e c o n s t i t u t e d a s u f f i c i e n t c o n d i t i o n f o r s o c i o l o g i c a l inquiry. B e n n i o n ' s r e n d e r i n g o f W e b e r is n o t , t h e r e f o r e , in t h e P a r s o n i a n t r a d i t i o n o f " g r a n d h i s t o r i c a l " i n t e g r a t i o n . R a t h e r , B e n n i o n a n t i c i p a t e d C. W r i g h t Mills' (1959; see G e r t h 1982) c o n c e r n f o r r e t a i n i n g a s e p a r a t e s e n s e o f t h e milieu a n d o f t h e l a r g e r s t r u c t u r e , w h i l e r e c o g n i z i n g t h a t t h e b e s t i n t e r e s t s of s o c i o l o g i c a l i n q u i r y r e s i d e in t h e i n t e r a c t i o n s b e t w e e n t h e t w o . F u r t h e r m o r e , w i t h M a u r i c e H a l b w a c h s s e r v i n g as d i s s e r t a t i o n a d v i s o r , t h e c o n t r a s t to D u r k h e i m ' s a p p r o a c h w o u l d surely h a v e b e e n c o n s i d e r e d . H a l b w a c h s ' o w n writing s h o w e d m o v e m e n t a w a y f r o m the strictly structural f o c u s o f D u r k h e i m , t h u s r e f l e c t i n g an i n t e r e s t in t h e c o n t r a s t in W e b e r ' s a n d D u r k h e i m ' s s o c i o l o g i e s . 2s In 1933 B e n n i o n h a d e n u n c i a t e d c l e a r l y t h e t h e m e s t h a t w e r e l a t e r e m p h a sized by P a r s o n s ' critics. W e k n o w P a r s o n s h a d r e a d a n d a d m i r e d B e n n i o n ' s a c c o u n t , y e t h e p r o c e e d e d w i t h his o w n a n d did n o t a d d r e s s t h e s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e s b e t w e e n t h e m . As i d e a s r a r e l y p r e v a i l o n t h e i r o w n m e r i t s , c l e a r l y t h e e x i s t e n c e o f B e n n i o n ' s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n a l o n e w o u l d n o t h a v e s u f f i c e d to inh i b i t t h e w i d e s p r e a d a c c e p t a n c e o f P a r s o n s ' v i e w . 29 P a r s o n s ' t h e s i s e f f e c t e d a p a r a d i g m a t i c shift in A m e r i c a n s o c i o l o g i c a l t h o u g h t . A f o o t n o t e f r o m P o p e et al. (1975: 4 1 7 ) s h e d s light o n t h e m a g n i t u d e o f P a r s o n s ' influence: Parsons (1972: 149) has observed that in contrast to The Structure ~the most widely used c o m p e n d i u m in the field in the 1930's [Sorokin's C o n t e m p o r a r y Sociological Theories (1928)] treated Pareto, Durkheim and Weber as belonging to entirely different schools." T h e c o m p a r i s o n w a s i n v i d i o u s in t h a t P a r s o n s a c k n o w l e d g e d h e h a d c o n t r a dicted the conventional w i s d o m of the time. Viewing the situation historically, w e p e r c e i v e t h a t B e n n i o n ' s b o o k a n d his i d e a s w e r e l o s t to m o s t s o c i o l o g i s t s f o r r e a s o n s t h a t are f o u n d in t h e i n f l u e n c e s a n d d e c i s i o n s o f his p e r s o n a l life. M o r e i n t r i g u i n g , h o w e v e r , w e c o n c l u d e t h a t t h e s o c i o l o g y o f M a x W e b e r n e v e r left Lowell Bennion. Bennion's

Personal

Milieu and Max Weber

L o w e l l B e n n i o n ' s r e l i g i o u s b a c k g r o u n d p l a y e d a c e n t r a l r o l e in his r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h M a x W e b e r ' s ideas. T h e f a c t t h a t B e n n i o n a p p l i e d W e b e r to M o r m o n i s m DiPadova and Brower

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in his d i s s e r t a t i o n is b u t o n e e x a m p l e . M o r e i n t e r e s t i n g , h o w e v e r , is t h e p a r a d o x i c a l role o f B e n n i o n ' s r e l i g i o u s c o m m i t m e n t , w h i c h t o o k h i m to G e r m a n y , p e r m i t t i n g h i m to l e a r n G e r m a n a n d to b e c o m e i n t r o d u c e d to W e b e r ' s t h e o r i e s . It w a s this s a m e c o m m i t m e n t t h a t e n c o u r a g e d his c a r e e r t r a c k to t h e c h u r c h education system--away from advancing Weber through university teaching and research. B e n n i o n w a s b o r n in 1908 to a p r o m i n e n t U t a h family; his f a t h e r , M i l t o n B e n n i o n , w a s d e a n o f e d u c a t i o n a n d p r o f e s s o r o f p h i l o s o p h y at t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f U t a h a n d t h e a u t h o r o f s e v e r a l b o o k s o n e t h i c s in e d u c a t i o n . T h e B e n n i o n s valued learning; dinner conversations for young Lowell included engaging philos o p h i c a l d i s c u s s i o n s . A d e v o u t M o r m o n , his s t u d i e s in E u r o p e c o m m e n c e d a f t e r h e s e r v e d a m i s s i o n in G e r m a n y f o r t h e C h u r c h o f J e s u s Christ o f L a t t e r - d a y Saints. In k e e p i n g w i t h t h e r e q u i r e m e n t s o f t h e m i s s i o n , h e m a s t e r e d t h e G e r m a n l a n g u a g e . Also h e read, in t h e original G e r m a n , w r i t e r s s u c h as K a n t , G o e t h e , a n d Schiller, as w e l l as t h e c l a s s i c w o r k s in w o r l d r e l i g i o n s . By t h e t i m e his m i s s i o n w a s c o m p l e t e d , h e w a s f l u e n t in G e r m a n a n d i m m e r s e d in t h e i n t e l l e c tual r i c h n e s s o f G e r m a n t h o u g h t . Milton B e n n i o n , r e c o g n i z i n g t h e h i g h v a l u e p l a c e d o n G e r m a n g r a d u a t e e d u c a t i o n , e n c o u r a g e d his s o n to r e m a i n in G e r m a n y f o r d o c t o r a l s t u d i e s . L o w e l l ' s wife, Merle, j o i n e d h i m t h e r e a n d h e c o m m e n c e d his Ph.D. w o r k . W h e n t h e y r e t u r n e d to t h e U n i t e d States in 1934, B e n n i o n w a n t e d to t e a c h at a u n i v e r s i t y , but jobs were scarce during those Great Depression years. When he was asked to assist in d e v e l o p i n g his C h u r c h ' s e d u c a t i o n s y s t e m , h e a g r e e d , i n t e n d i n g to r e m a i n in this p o s i t i o n o n l y a f e w years. He d i r e c t e d i n s t i t u t e s o f r e l i g i o n a d j a c e n t t o u n i v e r s i t y c a m p u s e s , r e s p o n d i n g to t h e i n t e l l e c t u a l a n d s p i r i t u a l n e e d s o f college students. B e n n i o n h a d w a n t e d to p u r s u e his i n t e r e s t in s o c i o l o g y a n d M a x W e b e r . As h e i n d i c a t e d in his 1937 l e t t e r to K i m b a l l Y o u n g : " U t a h s o c i o l o g i s t s , as far as I k n o w t h e m , are t o o e n g r o s s e d in o t h e r fields to g i v e M a x W e b e r m o r e t h a n a passing notice." He continued: I have b e e n engaged in teaching religion to University of Utah and n o w University of Arizona students for three years. My w o r k does not allow m u c h time for research or I would certainly like to try to re-write the thesis and enlarge its s c o p e to include more of c o n t e m p o r a r y German social theory. Is there a need for and interest in such material in America today? In fact, as B e c k e r ' s l e t t e r h a d s u g g e s t e d A m e r i c a n s o c i o l o g i s t s t h e n h a d a v e r y limited understanding of Weber's work. Despite having the attention of eminent A m e r i c a n s o c i o l o g i s t s like B e c k e r , Y o u n g , W i r t h , a n d P a r s o n s , B e n n i o n n o w r e f l e c t s t h a t h e did n o t c o n s i d e r h i m s e l f to b e p r o p e r l y s c h o o l e d in c o n t e m p o rary American sociology. He had returned from Europe with a command of G e r m a n a n d F r e n c h s o c i o l o g y - - b u t n o t A m e r i c a n s o c i o l o g y . 3~ B e n n i o n w a s a d e e p l y r e l i g i o u s p e r s o n as w e l l as a s o c i o l o g i s t i m m e r s e d in W e b e r ' s t h o u g h t . R a t h e r t h a n c o n t i n u e s c h o l a r l y analysis o f W e b e r , B e n n i o n a p p l i e d his u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f W e b e r to life w i t h i n t h e C h u r c h . W h i l e M a x W e b e r 48

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w a s a s e l f - d e s c r i b e d a g n o s t i c a n d did n o t c o n s i d e r h i m s e l f to b e a r e l i g i o u s individual, his w r i t i n g s p r o v i d e d an e n g a g i n g s y n e r g y w i t h B e n n i o n ' s t h i n k i n g a b o u t M o r m o n i s m a n d his i n v o l v e m e n t w i t h t h e C h u r c h as a b u r e a u c r a t i c organization. W i t h his s e m i n a l c o n c e p t s o f a u t h o r i t y , b u r e a u c r a c y , h i e r a r c h y , a n d l e a d e r ship, W e b e r h a d e l u c i d a t e d c o m p e l l i n g issues i n h e r e n t in t e n s i o n s b e t w e e n individual autonomy and organizational control. These issues addressed one of B e n n i o n ' s c e n t r a l c o n c e r n s : h o w d o e s a p e r s o n r e c o n c i l e o b e d i e n c e to a u t h o r i t y w i t h i n d i v i d u a l integrity? H o w d o e s an i n d i v i d u a l t a k e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r o n e ' s a c t i o n s w h i l e b e i n g c o m m i t t e d to an a u t h o r i t a r i a n o r g a n i z a t i o n , t h e l e a d e r s o f w h i c h lay c l a i m to r e c e i v i n g d i v i n e r e v e l a t i o n a n d e x p e c t to b e o b e y e d ? While working within the church educational system, Bennion designed and t a u g h t c o u r s e s t h a t h e l p e d s t u d e n t s w r e s t l e w i t h t h e s e issues, as w e l l as w i t h o t h e r i n t e l l e c t u a l a n d s p i r i t u a l c o n c e r n s . H e k n e w h o w b u r e a u c r a c i e s a n d hiera r c h i e s w o r k . He w r o t e e x t e n s i v e l y , 31 h e l p i n g M o r m o n s c h e r i s h t h e b e a u t y o f t h e i r r e l i g i o n as t h e y e x p e r i e n c e d t h e c o n s t r a i n t s o f c h u r c h b u r e a u c r a c y . M a n y o f his b o o k s w e r e u s e d as l e s s o n m a n u a l s in t h e c h u r c h . H e b e c a m e k n o w n as a champion of compassion, tolerance, and service, consistently defending the i n d i v i d u a l against a u t h o r i t a r i a n i s m . H e w a s a liberal w h o d i f f e r e d w i t h s o m e c h u r c h l e a d e r s o n i m p o r t a n t issues o f t h e t i m e , i n c l u d i n g t h e c h u r c h p o s i t i o n o f d e n y i n g t h e p r i e s t h o o d to m a l e s o f A f r i c a n d e s c e n t . T h e s e d i f f e r e n c e s w i t h t h e c h u r c h h i e r a r c h y e v e n t u a l l y led to his r e s i g n a t i o n f r o m c h u r c h e m p l o y m e n t in t h e 1960s. In d e a l i n g w i t h his p e r s o n a l a n d intell e c t u a l t e n s i o n s w i t h t h e C h u r c h , B e n n i o n , b y his o w n a d m i s s i o n , f o u n d w i s d o m in W e b e r ' s p e r s p e c t i v e - - e s p e c i a l l y W e b e r ' s s e p a r a t i o n o f v a l u e j u d g m e n t s f r o m f a c t u a l p r o p o s i t i o n s . "I r e a l i z e d t h a t o f t e n w h a t t h e C h u r c h p r e s e n t s as f a c t u a l p r o p o s i t i o n s are actually v a l u e j u d g m e n t s . This d i s t i n c t i o n h a s h e l p e d m e a g r e a t deal. "32 After his r e s i g n a t i o n , h e c o n t i n u e d to s e r v e t h e C h u r c h in lay l e a d e r s h i p positions, including that of bishop. B e n n i o n j o i n e d t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f U t a h as a s s o c i a t e d e a n o f s t u d e n t s ; h e w a s also g i v e n a f a c u l t y a p p o i n t m e n t in s o c i o l o g y . F o r a d e c a d e h e t a u g h t s o c i o l o g y o f religion, s o c i o l o g y o f k n o w l e d g e , a n d a s e m i n a r o n M a x Weber. U p o n l e a v i n g the u n i v e r s i t y h e b e g a n full-time p u r s u i t o f o n e o f " t h e t h i n g s t h a t m a t t e r m o s t " ( B e n n i o n 1978a) in his life: t h e a l l e v i a t i o n o f h u m a n s u f f e r i n g . In an a d d r e s s b e f o r e t h e U t a h S o c i o l o g i c a l S o c i e t y in 1982, at t h e a g e o f 74, h e s u m m a r i z e d his activities as c u r r e n t d i r e c t o r o f a n o n p r o f i t social a g e n c y : We n o w operate a food bank, do chore services for the elderly and handicapped, make function-fashionable clothing for the handicapped, train quadriplegics in indep e n d e n t living, recruit thousands of volunteers, maintain an information and referral center, and enable senior citizens to obtain dentures and eyeglasses at greatly reduced c o s t . . . " (1988). His e f f o r t s r e s u l t e d in t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e L o w e l l L. B e n n i o n C e n t e r at t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f Utah, w h i c h o r g a n i z e s s e v e r a l t h o u s a n d s t u d e n t s w h o e n g a g e in DIPadova and Brower

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service activities t h r o u g h o u t the world. He has r e c e i v e d d o z e n s of h o n o r s , bes t o w e d by n o tab l e national organizations as well as by the Utah legislature. In his a d v a n c e d years, he c o n t i n u e s to carry f o o d to t h o s e in need, p e r s o n a l l y ministering to the elderly, the lonely, and the afflicted. Sociologists c o n f r o n t "troubles of p e r s o n a l milieu" (Mills 1959), t r o u b l e s that may be especially p r o n o u n c e d for W e b e r scholars. Arthur Vidich (1982: 6) has suggested that these scholars d e v e l o p ~ . . . a d e e p r e s p e c t for ( W e b e r ' s ) intellectual p o w e r s and his magnificent sociological a c h i e v e m e n t s . By the same t o k e n these thinkers have had p r o b l e m s w h e n t h e y have m e a s u r e d their o w n w o r k against his." Many scholars s u r r e n d e r t he i r p e r s o n a l identities to b e c o m e lifelong W e b e r exegetes. This did not h a p p e n to Lowell Bennion. Vidich suggest ed that "Bennion got out and saved hi m s el f by doing his o w n t h i n g - - u s i n g W e b e r only as s o m e o n e he could learn from. "33 In so doing, Benni on was shaping a sociology for his pe r s ona l m i l i e u - - a sociology that affirmed t he ultimate value of t h e individual facing i m pe r s ona l b u r e a u c r a t i c i n s t i t u t i o n s - - a soci ol ogy that engaged organized religion and humanitarian service.

Conclusion In 1933 Lowell Bennion p r e s e n t e d W e b e r in a c o m p r e h e n s i v e and distinctive fashion w h i c h was not t hen and has not yet b e e n w i del y r e c o g n i z e d . A m e r i c a n sociologists n e e d not have waited for Bendix (1960) to translate Herrschaft as d o m i n a n c e in o r d e r to get the sense of p o w e r and conflict in W e b e r ' s c o n c e p tion o f authority relations. Bennion p r o v i d e d that p e r s p e c t i v e clearly, just as he p r e s e n t e d a diminished role for n o r m a t i v e constraints in W e b e r ' s ideal t y p e s of social action. Bennion also illuminated W e b e r ' s m e t h o d o l o g i c a l focus on interp r e t i v e sociology, a c o m p o n e n t of his w o r k that later i n f l u e n c e d A m e r i c a n sociology indirectly t h r o u g h Alfred Schutz and others. B e n n i o n ' s t e x t m a d e that p e r s p e c t i v e available decades b e f o r e it was w i d e l y r e c o g n i z e d in this c o u n t r y . To the e x t e n t that translation from the "anfractuous" ( C o h e n et al. 1975: 229) originals was crucial, a w i de r familiarity w i t h Bennion could have made it possible for American sociologists to u n d e r s t a n d clearly m any of t he m o r e c o m p l i c a t e d Weberian themes. Furthermore, he illuminated the breadth of Weber's contributions, m a ny of w h i c h w e r e u n k n o w n to m os t American sociologists until translations w e r e a c c o m p l i s h e d decades later. Regrettably, the p o t e n t i a l of B e n n i o n ' s b o o k was n o t realized in American sociology. N o w that the b o d y of W e b e r ' s w o r k is available in English translations, n u m e r o u s scholars have i n t e r p r e t e d , criticized, and e x t e n d e d W e b e r in gr e a t e r detail than did Bennion. Lowell B en n io n's dissertation is an i m p o r t a n t datum in an intriguing story of the sorting o f ideas within the field of sociology. Sociologists k n o w o f T a l c o t t Parsons' d o m i n a n t influence in American sociology. Some believe that his central thesis and the unde r s t a ndi ng of W e b e r in American sociology w e r e d i s t o r t e d by his m i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the G e r m a n originals. Parsons had read and r e s p e c t e d B e nn io n ' s in ter p r e t a t i on, but had not a dd ressed the p r o b l e m s p o s e d by t h e i r differing p er s p ect i ves . On t he issues u n d e r debate, B e n n i o n ' s a c c o u n t antici-

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p a t e d t h e p e r s p e c t i v e s o f P a r s o n s ' critics; h o w e v e r , at t h e t i m e , P a r s o n s ' w r i t i n g a n d ideas d o m i n a t e d . O u r article h a s t r a c e d t h e m y r i a d c o m p l e x i t i e s o f p e r s o n a l milieux that explain why Bennion's interpretation was not widely recognized. W e c a n i m a g i n e Lowell B e n n i o n in a h i g h l y v i s i b l e r o l e in t h e b r o a d e r struct u r e o f A m e r i c a n s o c i o l o g y . H e h a d w r i t t e n a s u b s t a n t i a l t e x t , a n d his e x p e r t i s e o n W e b e r p l a c e d h i m in rare c o m p a n y a m o n g A m e r i c a n s o c i o l o g i s t s . M a n y w o u l d t h u s o b s e r v e t h a t B e n n i o n did n o t e n d u p w h e r e w e p r e s u m e an Uevaluating i n d i v i d u a l " c a p a b l e o f "rational" a c t i o n , w o u l d h a v e e n d e d u p . T h i s o b s e r v a t i o n a s s u m e s t h a t t h e a c t o r s a n d ideas t h a t c o n s t i t u t e A m e r i c a n s o c i o l o g y s h o u l d h a v e c o m p r i s e d B e n n i o n ' s p r i m a r y social c o n t e x t - - b u t t h a t w a s n o t t h e s o c i a l c o n t e x t t h a t m a t t e r e d m o s t to L o w e l l B e n n i o n . B e n n i o n ' s c a r e e r as a s o c i o l o g i s t b e g a n in t h e social c o n t e x t o f M o r m o n i s m a n d t h e M o r m o n c h u r c h . It w a s t h e C h u r c h t h a t b r o u g h t h i m to G e r m a n y w h e r e h e w a s e x p o s e d to Max W e b e r ' s ideas. T h e n B e n n i o n b r o u g h t W e b e r h o m e - h o m e to U t a h a n d to t h e C h u r c h . B e n n i o n ' s s o c i o l o g y w a s n o t m e r e l y a n a b s t r a c t b o d y o f k n o w l e d g e ; it w a s a m e t h o d o l o g y f o r m a k i n g s e n s e o f t h e real Utroubles" o f o n e ' s life, c o m i n g to t e r m s w i t h o n e ' s v a l u e s a n d u n d e r s t a n d i n g o n e ' s r o l e vis~-vis t h e C h u r c h a n d o t h e r " o b j e c t i v e ~ s i t u a t i o n s o f g r o u p c o n d u c t . It w a s a w a y to h e l p M o r m o n s a p p r e c i a t e a n d r e l a t e to t h e i r c h u r c h as an e c c l e s i a s t i c a l bureaucracy, while embracing dearly held religious truths. In this late s t a g e o f L o w e l l B e n n i o n ' s c a r e e r , t h e social c o n t e x t is t h e c o m m u nity: t h e p o o r , t h e elderly, t h e lonely, t h e t r o u b l e d , t h e v i c t i m s o f d i s c r i m i n a tion. H e h a s n o t b e e n c o n t e n t to s t u d y s o c i e t y b u t h a s b e e n i n t e n s e l y e n g a g e d in e f f o r t s to i m p r o v e it. F r o m c a r r y i n g h u n d r e d s o f b a g s o f g r o c e r i e s to t h e e l d e r l y living alone, to o r g a n i z i n g t h o u s a n d s o f v o l u n t e e r s , B e n n i o n h a s m a r s h a l l e d his e n e r g i e s to h e l p t h o s e in n e e d . As a s o c i o l o g i s t h e e m b r a c e s W e b e r ' s ~valuef r e e s o c i o l o g y " ; a n d as an i n d i v i d u a l , t h e i n s i g h t s f r o m s o c i o l o g y e n r i c h his a c t i v i s m . Facing c o m m u n i t y c r i s e s a n d h u m a n s u f f e r i n g , L o w e l l B e n n i o n - - l i k e M a x W e b e r 3 4 - - t a k e s p u b l i c p o s i t i o n s o n issues o f social justice. It is in this c o m m u n i t y c o n t e x t t h a t h e m o s t c o n t r i b u t e s t o his c h u r c h . H e h a s b e e n an u n w a v e r i n g a n d r e l e n t l e s s v o i c e f o r t u r n i n g f r o m i n s t i t u t i o n a l c r i t e r i a o f r e l i g i o s i t y to c r i t e r i a o f m e r c y , s e r v i c e , a n d c o m p a s s i o n . His a c t i o n s r e m i n d M o r m o n s o f " t h e w e i g h t i e r m a t t e r s " ( B e n n i o n 1 9 7 8 b ) in t h i s w o r l d : s e r v i c e t o o t h e r s , h e l p i n g t h e less f o r t u n a t e , f o r g i n g a c o m m u n i t y w h e r e all i n d i v i d u a l s - r e g a r d l e s s o f race, g e n d e r , religion, o r c i r c u m s t a n c e - - c a n k n o w t h e i r d i g n i t y as h u m a n b e i n g s . F o r L o w e l l B e n n i o n , this is his s o c i o l o g y - - t h e s o c i o l o g y o f t h e ~things t h a t m a t t e r m o s t . "

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Appendix Feb. 4, 1935

A: L e t t e r F r o m

Howard

Becker P e n s i o n Lada n o u s Paris (6e)

Dear B e n n i o n : Suppose you w o r k u p an essay o n W e b e r , to be finished n o t later t h a n Sept. 15 of this year, a b o u t 10,000 w o r d s in length, c o v e r i n g the f o l l o w i n g p h a s e s of his life a n d w o r k : (1) A brief sketch of his life, u s i n g H o n i g s h e i m , M a r i a n n e W e b e r , Jaspers, e t aL (2) An a c c o u n t of his writings in their c h r o n o l o g i c a l order. This s h o u l d b e b r i e f a n d descriptive, n o t abstract. The idea is to p r e s e n t the w h o l e mass of his w o r k b e f o r e selecting phases of it for f u r t h e r analysis. (3) A d i s c u s s i o n of the v a l u e - j u d g m e n t writings. (4) A d i s c u s s i o n of the n o t i o n of ideal type, p e r h a p s k e y e d in w i t h a d i s c u s s i o n of the Religionssoziologie and the Wirtschaft u n d Gesellschaft. Walther, Schelting, a n d o t h e r s s h o u l d be c o n s u l t e d here. Steer clear of O p p e n h e i m e r a n d like p e r n i l e critics. Show the errors in R o b e r t s o n and Krause. (5) Some i n d i c a t i o n of w h a t W e b e r ' s i n f l u e n c e is today. D o n ' t c o n s i d e r the above p o i n t s any s u g g e s t i o n s of an iron-clad o u t l i n e o n m y part. T h e y are m e r e l y i n t e n d e d to make clear w h a t I'd like to see covered. Use y o u r o w n j u d g m e n t a b o u t the o r g a n i z a t i o n of y o u r essay. A n o t h e r thing. D o n ' t pay too m u c h a t t e n t i o n to the Capitalism-Calvinism c o n t r o v e r s y a s such. Point out that Wirtschaft and Gesellschaft are far more i m p o r t a n t for the sociologists t h a n the Religionssoziologie, and that in the latter t h e r e are s e c t i o n s at least as i m p o r t a n t as the o n e on Calvinism. This is n e c e s s a r y b e c a u s e the t e n d e n c y to sloganize e v e r y t h i n g results in W e b e r ' s b e i n g identified w i t h the C.C. thesis in the m i n d s of m o s t A m e r i c a n sociologists, w h e r e a s you k n o w he is m u c h bigger t h a n that. By the way, I forgot to say that I s h o u l d also like to have you pay a g o o d deal of a t t e n t i o n to the idea of v e r s t e h e n d e S o z t o l o g i e , taking into a c c o u n t the r e c e n t treatises on Verstehen. This seems like a large o r d e r for 10,000 w o r d s , a n d it p r o b a b l y is. W e c o u l d go to 12,000 in a p i n c h , b u t I h o p e it w o n ' t be necessary. In case y o u c a n w o r k o u t a d e t a i l e d o u t l i n e soon (by J u n e 1, let us say), I'll be very glad to go over it painstakingly. Sincerely yours, (signed) H o w a r d Becker

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Appendix

B: L e t t e r t o K i m b a l l

Young S e p t e m b e r 29, 1937

Professor Kimball Y o u n g Univesity of W i s c o n s i n Madison, W i s c o n s i n Dear Professor Young: A b o u t t w e l v e copies of my thesis o n Max W e b e r are still available. T h e y w e r e p r i n t e d in Paris in the p r o u d days of the F r e n c h franc w h e n the dollar was w o r t h 60 cents. T h e y cost m e $1.75 each at Paris. If you w a n t a c o p y or t w o for the library y o u m a y have t h e m p o s t p a i d at that price. It w o u l d b e a pleasure to s e n d you p e r s o n a l l y a c o m p l i m e n t a r y c o p y i n the h o p e y o u m i g h t have sufficient i n t e r e s t a n d p a t i e n c e - - I take for g r a n t e d y o u r c a n d i d s p i r i t - - t o r e v i e w it briefly for me. A l e x a n d e r Von Schelting a n d Professor Becker have c o r r e s p o n d e d w i t h m e a b o u t it. Utah sociologists, as far as I k n o w t h e m , are too e n g r o s s e d in o t h e r fields to give Max W e b e r m o r e t h a n p a s s i n g n o t i c e . I have b e e n engaged in t e a c h i n g religion to U of U. a n d U. of Arizona s t u d e n t s for t h r e e years. My w o r k does n o t allow me m u c h time for r e s e a r c h or I w o u l d c e r t a i n l y like to try to re-write the thesis and e n l a r g e its s c o p e to i n c l u d e m o r e of c o n t e m p o r a r y G e r m a n social theory. Is there a n e e d for and i n t e r e s t in s u c h material in A m e r i c a today? It is r u m o r e d that you are p r e p a r i n g a sociological treatise o n M o r m o n i s m . Please k e e p me i n f o r m e d regarding a n y t h i n g you p u b l i s h related to that subject. Your w r i t i n g s certainly have an e x c e l l e n t r e p u t a t i o n in sociological circles, h e n c e m y i n t e r e s t i n y o u r a p p r o a c h to religion. Sincerely yours, Lowell L. B e n n i o n

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Notes 1. The authors wish to thank the following w h o read earlier drafts of this manuscript and provi de d useful comments and ideas: Mitchel Abolafia, Lowell L. Bennion, Mary L. Bradford, Robert Jackall, David McCaffrey, Sterling M. McMurrin, Hugh G. Stocks, and Arthur Vidich. We are also indebted to Richard H. Hall and t w o anonymous reviewers for The American Sociologist. 2. A renewal of interest in Bennion's w o r k has been stimulated by his biographer, Mary Lythgoe Bradford, w h o discovered correspondence with Howard Becker, Kimball Young, Louis Wirth, and others. Bradford's inquiries led her to Laurie Newman DiPadova (a former graduate student of Bennion) w h o took the w o r k to several sociologists. Their recognition of its significance has p r o m p t e d efforts to make it more w i de l y available. We are indebted to Mary Bradford for sharing her research w i t h us. 3. Frank Knight (1927) had translated the collected student notes from Weber's final lectures, General Economic History, and Talcott Parsons (1930) had translated The Protestant Ethic a n d the Spirit o f Capitalism, both from Allen and Unwin, London. 4. This is included in the section reprinted in The International Journal o f Politics, Culture, a n d Society (Bennion 1992). 5. In the "Academic Career ~ sketch in the dissertation, Bennion notes that he received a "certificate for successful participation in Professor Moeller's seminar in political economy. ~ 6. Bennion also attended "lectures and discussions" at Geneva in August and September, 1931, at me e t i ngs of the League of Nations. 7. In the "Academic Career" sketch, Bennion says of his Vienna studies that he received "certificates for active participation ~ in Verdross' seminar in legal philosophy and Voegelin's seminar in sociology. 8. Bennion remembers Voegelin as a brilliant young scholar. Personal conversation, July 12, 1992. 9. Personal conversation, August 4, 1992. 10. Personal conversation, August 4, 1992. 11. An interesting aside here: Bennion remembers that Halbwachs was interested in studying h o w parental ages might influence the sex of children. Halbwachs theorized that if the husband was considerably older than the wife, the chances would increase that male children would be conceived. He w a n t e d Bermion to explore this poss!bility using records of Mormon polygamous families. 12. Regrettably, it is beyond the scope of this p a p e r to examine the French influence on Bennion's rendering of Weber. 13. Personal conversation, July 10, 1992. As an aside, Bennion explains that he studied in German, w rot e the dissertation in English, and defended it in French. 14. Personal conversation, August 6, 1992. 15. Library copies have been located in the following American institutions: University of Utah, University of Wisconsin at Madison, University of California at Berkeley, The Johns Hopkins University, University of Arizona, and Yale University. International locations include: University of Alberta, University of Barcelona, University of Helsinki, and Lunds and Uppsala Universities in Sweden. The authors w e l c o m e information about other copies. Library copies could not be found in Austria or Germany. For political, economic, and social reasons w h i c h reflect the turmoil of the time, a book about Max W e b e r - - e s p e c i a l l y one w ri t t e n in English and published in F r a n c e - - w o u l d not have been procured in the 1930s in those countries. For this information we are indebted to Professor John Rohrbaugh and to the library personnel of the International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis in Austria. 16. A Becker and Barnes' endnote ([1938] 1961: Ivi) described sources for discussion of Weber's methodology. They described Theodore Abel's Systematic Sociology in Germany (1929) as one of the best brief discussions to be found in English. They added that UWeber himself gave no single c o n n e c t e d exposition; his methodological analyses are scattered here and there in writings called forth by special occasions." Alexander yon Schelting was described as the outstanding secondary source for W e b e r ' s methodology, but "a trifle prolix and involved; absolutely essential for the specialist in systematic sociology, it offers serious difficulties to the uninitiated." They referred to Parsons (1937) as "also a bit difficult, but has the advantage of being in English and being relatively brief," and Bennion as "an excellent elementary presentation. Unfortunately, this is a doctoral dissertation, University of Strasbourg, and only a few copies are to be found in the United States. ~ 17. This and other Bennion correspondence courtesy of Mary Lythgoe Bradford. 18. Personal conversation, November 14, 1992. 19. Professor Young was a grandson of the Mormon leader Brigham Young, and was also k n o w n for his 1954 sociological treatment of Mormon polygamy entitled, Isn't One Wife Enough? 20. For an informative discussion of the difficulties in Weber' s writing style, see the Preface by Gerth and Mills (1946), pp. v-vii. 21. Bennion's dissertation draws extensively on the following Weber originals: the social science m e t h o d o l o g y essays from 1903 to 1913, collected as Gesammelte Aufsaetze z u r Wissenschaflslehre; Parsons' (1930) translation, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism; the 1915 to 1919 religious-sociologicalessays on Confucianism and Taoism, Hinduism and Buddhism, and Ancient Judaism, collected as Gesammelte Aufsaetze z u r Religtonssoziologie; and the voluminous essay on sociology and sociological methodology, Wirtschafl

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22. 23. 24.

25. 26.

27.

28.

29.

30. 31. 32. 33. 34.

u n d Gesellschaft, originally written b e t w e e n 1909 and 1920. Bennion draws only minimally from the collected political writings, Gesammelte Poltttsche Schriften, and no references are made to either the early economic essays, Gesammelte Aufsaetze z u r Soctal-und Wtrtschaflsgeschtchte, or student-collected notes from Weber's final economic history lectures, published as Wtrtschaflsgeschichte. Absence of this latter source is interesting, since Frank Knight's (1927) English translation, General Economic H/story was then available. This section is drawn primarily from the cultural and historical me t hodol ogy essays, Gesammelte Aufsaetze z u r W/ssenschaftslehre, from w h i c h Bennion translated numerous passages. All quotes from Max Weber's Methodology with permission from Lowell L. Bennion. Typically Weber is interpreted as describing the impri s onme nt of huma n c onduc t in an "iron cage ~ under the advance of rationalization and bureaucratization (e.g., Coser 1971: 232). However, the translation of Weber's term "stahlhartes Gehaeuse" (variously "iron cage" [Parsons 1930], "housing as hard as steel" [Mitzman 1970], "casing" [Bendix, cited in Tiryakian 1981]), its metaphorical meaning and its significance for Weber's own psyche is disputable. Although not explicitly stated in Bennion's book, the last t w o quotes imply a contradictory tension b e t w e e n individual rationality or reckonabiUty and the "inevitable advance" of the rationalizing bureaucracy. For other discussions of this tension and of the disputed meanings of the "iron cage" metaphor, see Mitzman (1970) and Tiryakian (1981). Here Bennion drew extensively from Talcott Parsons' (1930) English translation, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism. This is included in the section reprinted in The International Journal o f Politics, Culture, a n d Society (Bennion 1992). This chapter draws upon Weber's essays on Confucianism and Taoism, Hinduism and Buddhism, and Ancient Judaism, a s s e m b l e d in t h r e e v o l u m e s e nt i t l e d, Gesammelte Aufsaetze z u r Religtonssoztologte. Bennion (1933: 9) refers to these as "an ambitious but unf'mished a t t e mpt to treat the business ethic of all important religious movements." This section is based primarily on Wirtschaft u n d Gesellschafl, from w h i c h Bennion translated nume rous excerpts. In this section he also draws u p o n interpretations of Weber from Walther's (1926) "Max W e b e r as Soziolohgie," in t h e J a h r b u c h f u e r Soztologie, and, to a lesser extent, from Alfred Schutz's (1932) Der Sinnhafte Aufbau de sozialen Welt. Georges Friedmann (1968) described a trend in Halbwachs' writing to explain needs by relative and subjective factors. For example, Durkheim saw religious factors as most important in de t e rmi ni ng societal integration of the individual, w h i c h was inversely related to suicide. Halbwachs, however, (1930, cited in Friedmann, p. 305) "felt that the nature and importance of the religious factor vary w i t h the social and psychological context." Other accounts were available and they received little attention c o m p a r e d to Parsons' (e.g., Salomon 1934, 1935a, 1935b). Becker and Barnes (1961 [1938]: lvi) referred to these articles as "good discussions in English. ~ One of our readers observed that these articles in the early volume of a journal publ i s he d by European immigrant scholars (Social Research, from The New School for Social Research) w o u l d not have been highly visible to mainstream sociology. Personal conversation, August 5, 1992. Bennion authored 15 books from 1933 to 1990, 20 manuals for c hurc h classes from 1934 to 1972, and countless articles and speeches. Personal conversation, August 5, 1992. Written correspondence, August 31, 1992. Weber frequently defended the rights of academic expression for scholars w h o s e views w e r e u n p o p u l a r or whose ethnicity made them vulnerable to discrimination. At different times Weber offended both the political left and the right. His outspoken views w e r e grounded in his personal sense of social justice rather than political expediency. See Coser's (1971:242-23) characterization of We be r as ~an e xe mpl a ry moralist."

References Becker, Howard and Harry E. Barnes. 1961 [1938]. Social Thought: From Lore to Science, Vol. II. New York: Dover Publications. Bendix, Reinhard. 1960. Max Weber: An Intellectual Portrait. Garden City, NY: Doubleday, Anchor. Bennion, Lowell L. 1933. Max Weber's Methodology. Paris: Les Presses Modernes. - - - - . 1978a. The Things That Matter Most. Salt Lake City, Utah: Bookcraft, Inc. - - - - . 1978b. "The Weightier Matters." Sunstone 3 (January-February 1978): 28-29. - - - - . 1988. "My Odyssey with Sociology" in The Best o f Lowell L. Bennion: Selected Writings 1928-1988, ed. Eugene England. Salt Lake City, Utah: Deseret Book Company. - - - - . 1992. "The Business Ethic of the World Religions and the Spirit of Capitalism." International Journal o f Politics, Culture, and Society. 6: 37-70. Bradford, Mary Lythgoe. 1993. Untitled biography of Lowell L. Bennion. Forthcoming. Cohen, Jere, Lawrence E. Hazelrigg and Whitney Pope. 1975a. "De-Parsonizing Weber: A Critique of Parsons' Interpretation of Weber's Sociology." American Sociological Review, 40(2): 229-41. - - - - . 1975b. "Reply to Parsons." American Sociological Review, 40(5): 670-74.

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The American Sociologist/Fall 1992