CHANGES IN HIGH-RISE HOUSING: THE ROLE OF HIGH-RISE HOUSING COMPLEXES IN LOCAL HOUSING MARKETS

Piet Korteweg

Problems of m u l t i - f a m i l y homing complexes High-rise housing has (once more) been receiving a good deal of a t t e n t i o n over the last several years. On the one hand, this is due to the magnitude of the problems associated with high-rise complexes and the spectacular solutions sometimes proposed to resolve them (Groetelaers et al., 1984; Prak and Priemus, 1935). On the other hand, i t reflects the renewed debate on the relative merits of this form of housing (Bergh and R u t t e n , 1935). Existing complexes suffer from a number of i n t e r r e l a t e d problems: absolute and relative obsolescence, emerging technical flaws, high mobility rates, high v a c a n c y rates, m a i n t e n a n c e problems, rent arrears, elevated incidence of crime, vandalism, ethnic segregation, the increasing c o n c e n t r a t i o n of 'problem' households, dissatisfaction with the residential environment, etc. The fact that new complexes are being constructed while these problems are becoming more obtrusive, is evidence of the heterogeneity of the sector. The heterogeneity of the sector at a higher aggregation level was pointed out by Hoekveld and Kersloot (1986), who found that in general highrise complexes functioned no worse than low-rise multi-family housing complexes. The differences within the high-rise housing sector are analyzed in this article at the low aggregation level of individual housing complexes. In The Netherlands, high-rise housing is found mostly in post-war residential areas. There are substantial differences among these areas (Van Eijkeren, 1979); some show concentrations of problems, others function quite well. This variation is related to characteristics of larger areas and the local housing markets of which they form a part. But most neighbourhoods are also internally heterogeneous, whereby good complexes can be found alongside problem-ridden ones. These variations among buildings are caused by the segmentation of the housing market, which causes complexes within a single neighbourhood to function at different spatial scales, to a t t r a c t distinct categories of occupants, and to be managed by other kinds of institutions. Many of the problems identified in the post-war high-rise housing complexes are either the cause or result of mobility. Differences in mobility rate indicate the direction in which a complex is moving and the problems that may lie ahead. Therefore, this article concentrates on the variability of the mobility rate as an indicator of the role of the high-rise complexes. A number of aspects of the mobility rate are dealt with: the magnitude and the change of rate in the different complexes, the causes of the variation, and

Neth. 3. o f Housing and Environmental Res., Vol. 2 0 9 8 7 ) No. l

29

the correlation of the mobility rate with other aspects of the functioning of housing complexes. Some theoretical notions Residential areas as well as individual housing complexes begin to change the moment they are finished. Several phase and stage theories, mostly originating in the United States, deal with the .nature and the causes of such changes. These theories, however, prove to be less applicable to the Netherlands housing system (Hoekveld 198#: i#; Korteweg). A proper evaluation of the development of post-war neighbourhoods should seek to apply theoretical notions of population change, rather than theories of housing change. The occupants and the moving households determine the changes of the population structure of complexes; their characteristics are influenced by the state of the housing market. Studies of 'filtering' and adaptive moves have shown how rapid the population structure of neighbourhoods can change as a consequence of mobility. In their theory of the decline of post-war public rental housing complexes, Prak and Priemus (19g#: 38) convincingly argue that the mobility of the occupants is a central factor among the many relevant interrelated variables that cause decline. This study looks at residential mobility from the vantage point of the history of occupancy of the housing complexes, which provides a working definition of the concept of 'mobility rate'.

Mobility r a t e Mobility rate, by definition, expresses the change of occupants of a dwelling or of a complex of dwellings: one occupant or category of occupants is replaced by a different one. The rate at which this change occurs correlates with other changes. Short has reviewed early studies of the ecological corre= lation of mobility rate with various indices of social disorganization (197g: 434=#35). A high mobility rate can a f f e c t the social climate, the physical characteristics, and the m a n a g e m e n t of housing (maintenance, vacancy, profitability) rentability). A low mobility rate, on the other hand, can cause inequities in the distribution of housing to occur: low rent quotes, underutilization, and diminished access for those in urgent need of housing. The correlation of mobility rate with other phenomena, however, is not always unequivocal. Moore describes neighbourhoods where a high mobility rate leads to stability and others where it causes a change of population characteristics; a low mobility rate can have the same effects (1972: 33-35). This leads Short to c o m m e n t on a number of problems of ecological analysis (197g: #35). A wider range of approaches is necessary, as Priemus suggests when he points out that the mobility r a t e of an individual dwelling in an unrestricted market situation is testimony to the quality of the dwelling as perceived by the occupants; this corresponds to the outcomes of the study of housing aspirations (197g:" i03). A high mobility rate is often the result of dissatisfaction with the dwelling, although when it occurs in special types of housing, such as student housing or housing for the elderly, the high rate may be caused by entirely different factors. Conversely, a low mobility rate does not always indicate a high level of satisfaction. The i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the mobility rate must therefore take more factors into account. Also, different actors will evaluate a specific mobility rate differently. Single evaluation benchmarks simply do not exist, even though opinions about the extremes are not highly divergent. The evaluation offered in this article is buttressed by comparison of the mobility rates with the outcomes of surveys taken among current occupants of the dwellings and complexes. The i n t e r p r e t a t i o n takes evaluations of the rates documented in other studies into account. In 19g#,

30

Priemus found a mobility rate of 15.5% in the high-rise towers of public housing in the 'Morgenstond' area of The Hague, and qualified this as 'not overly high' (1985- l l ) . Ravetz mentions a mobility rate of zt0% and up in the high-rise complex Hunslet Grange in Leeds, and judges this to be 'catastrophic' (1985: /~t~). V a r i a t i o n of mobility r a t e

Variations of mobility rates are not randomly distributed throughout the housing stock. Various segments of the stock are differentiated on the basis of this characteristic. Multi-family housing, both low-rise and high-rise, characteristically shows high levels of mutations, but within each of these categories variations do exist (Priemus, 1994). To explain the variations of mobility rates among housing complexes, theoretical notions that relate mobility to housing market characteristics are useful. Households have different and changing housing aspirations. When their housing situation and their aspirations become unbalanced, they will employ different strategies to restore the equilibrium, whereby the selection of a particular strategy depends on the state of the housing market as well as on personal circumstances. Moving is the predominant strategy. Bourne stresses the complexity of the urban housing market and argues that it is important to trace it in its development (1981: 32-36). He lists general conditions that influence moving behaviour, each of which may be expected to have a particular effect on specific housing market segments and on different categories of occupants: the rate of expansion of the urban area and the resulting economic potentials, demographic changes and the rate of immigrations developments in personal incomes, changes in cost structures, and changes in financial policies with respect to housing (Bourne, 19gl" 134). He suggests that the explanation of differences in mobility rates must be found in the broad context as well as in the characteristics of dwellings and of occupants. I t may be expected that the mobility rate is higher when there are ample housing opportunities than when the market is tights and that the rate correlates positively with the rate of production of new housing. The institutional context circumscribes mobility. Access to public housing is governed rather strictly by public policies, while access to the private rental housing sector is less regulated. The active housing distribution by housing authorities tends to concentrate on the sector of public rental housing, rather than on the private rental sector. Barriers have to be crossed to get into public housings and these barriers also l i m i t the mobility w i t h i n the sector. A higher overall mobility rate in high-rise complexes in the private rental sector is therefore more likely. Many studies have pointed out that renters move more frequently than owner-occupiers; this leads to the expectation that the mobility rate of rental complexes is higher than that of owner-occupier complexes. This hypothesis, however, must allow for the possible intervening role of quality d i f f e r ences and the siting of the complexes ( c f , Van Fulpen and Neuerburg, 1979: 13-14) and of the state of the housing market (Priemus, 19gtt: 133). Guffens et al. observed (in mid-rise complexes) a positive correlation of the size of the dwelling (by number of rooms) and the mobility rate in the city of 's-Hertogenbosch (1968: 356). Van Huet (quoted in Priemus 19gzt: ltt8) found the opposite relationship in his study of multi-family housing in 'Alexanderpolder' in R o t t e r d a m . These conflicting observations led Priemus to his conclusion that similar dwellings in different housing markets can serve a different function (Priemus, 19gtt: l#g).

31

Dwellings of a d i f f e r e n t price have d i f f e r e n t mobility rates. Abas and 3ansen observed t h a t among the a p a r t m e n t s in Spijkenisse, the more expensive newer ones have a higher mobility r a t e than the moderately priced older ones. They suggest that the price d i f f e r e n c e has become a barrier for the occupants of the older dwellings, who are mostly of a lower socio-economic status, on their route to a more suitable dwelling type (1978: 50). Households also vary in moving behavior, including their frequency of moving. The explanation of the d i f f e r e n c e s in mobility rates of dwellings must t h e r e f o r e include the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the incoming occupants and of the present occupants os the complexes. New occupants in various sectors of the housing market differ from each other in various aspects that are important determinants of mobility (Blokland, 1981; Dijkhuis-Potgieser, 1983). Central to the explanation of variations in mobility among the household types is tile c a r e e r / l i f e cycle model, which r e l a t es the moves of households to transitions from one stage in the family life cycle to another and to the career pattern of the members of the household (Priemus, 1984). Age proves to be a variable of prime im p o r t a n c e . The results of several studies of the correlation of socio-eeonomic status and mobility are not in consensus. The results of studies of the relationship of income and mobility c o n t r a d i c t each other (Priemus, 1984: 125128). The higher socio-economic c a t e g o r i e s , however, are consistently the most mobile ones. They p a r t i c i p a t e in a wider labour market area and are t h e r e f o r e more involved in long-distance moves. The municipal housing allocation system typically awards a position to the local inhabitants of the municipalities that differs from t h a t awarded to outsiders. Access to certain housing market sectors for nonresidents is f r e quently r e s t r i c t e d . This may cause t h e c a t e g o r y of nonresident households to seek refuge in the more expensive or less desirable housing stock, resulting in a subsequent adaptive move (Priemus, 198g: 65) a f t e r a period of tenure as resident of the community. A f t e r a waiting time, intra-urban moves may thus be ex p ect ed . Since c e r ta in housing market segments are accessible to immigrants, these sectors would consequently be c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a higher mobility rat e. This phenomenon of adaptive moves is frequently related to the information on the local housing market available to immigrants. Roseman t h e r e f o r e assumes that intra-urban moves utilize relatively adequate information on local housing markets, while inter-urban moves suffer from a relatively limited knowledge (cf., Priemus, 1984: 65). An initial move may thereby be followed shortly by a 'second stage, adaptive move' (Roseman, quoted in Short, 1978: 439). Short, however, expresses doubts about the o c c u r r e n c e of many intra-urban adaptive moves on the basis of more knowledge of the local market by long-distance migrants shortly a f t e r their arrival in the municipality (Short, 1978: 439). Changes in the mobility r a t e over t i m e The d ev el o p m en t of the mobility r a t e over t i m e is studied less frequently than the d i f f eren c e s in a v e r a g e mobility rates. But variations over t i m e do exist, as was shown in the study of Dijkhuis-Potgieser (1983) which utilized a large-scale survey of households ('Nationaal Rayon Onderzoek'). This study provides a useful r e f e r e n c e for our own research, even though it applies to all dwellings in The Netherlands and is limited to the period 1975-1982 (Figure 1). Similarities in the changes of the r a t e of mobility at a lower aggregation level can reveal the e f f e c t s of general factors, such as the int e r e s t rate, income, rent, e t c .

32

FIGURE I . The p r o p o r t i o n of a d a p t i v e moves. 8% /, f \

7-

6-

I

....~176 ...~176~176176

""'"'"'"'*"'"

~'f

.

//jf f ~ "...""..

9. , ~

19~s

'7'6

'r

'i8

'J9

'~0

.~176176176176176 .. ".,

'~i

'85

'89

adaptive m o v e s as percentage of the total housing stock .......

adaptive m o v e s w i t h i n and to the rental sector

.................. adaptive moves w i t h i n and to the owner-occupier sector Source: Dijkhuis-Potgieser 1984.

Guffens et al. (1968: 356) and Van Huet (cf., Priemus, 1984: 158) observed a lower mobility r a t e in the first few years of occupancy of new dwelling complexes. This must be r e l a t e d to the cost of moving, which slows down mobility. On the basis of several empirical studies Hoekveld concluded that in spite of a high degree of residential satisfaction among the inhabitants, new residential areas manifest a high residential mobility because of the predominant demographic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that promote the propensity to move. Hence, if a normal mobility r a t e is followed by c u m u l a t i v e inertia, a prolonged period of stability and low mobility must follow (Hoekveld, 1984: 4041). On the basis of the studies cited above, the following sequence of mutations in a regularly functioning neighbourhood seems likely: - a r e l a t i v e l y low but increasing mobility r a t e in the first years of occupancy; - followed by a period of several years with a r e l a t i v e l y high level of mutations; - and subsequently~ a prolonged period with a r e l a t i v e l y low mobility r at e. D e c l i n e may result when the mobility r a t e deviates from this pattern, especially when it increases rapidly to a high level (Boas-Vedder, 1976: 535). But other factors may influence th e sequence of levels of mobility as well. F a c tors which d e t e r m i n e d i f f e r e n c e s in mobility r at es among complexes may also explain the variations of the mobility r a t e within one complex over

33

TABLE 1. The proportion of high-rise residential units in the neighbourhood housing stock. Municipality/ neighbourhood

Tenure sector Public Other Private rental nonrental housing profit housing rental housing % % %

Haarlem Parkwijk Boerhaavewijk Meerwijk P urmerend Overwhere-Zuid Wheermolen Alkmaar Overdie De Hoef 1 + 2 Oudorperpolder

19.8 14.3 39.7

0 t~.l 3.1

0 48.1 17.0 9.3 53.2

Owneroccupier housing %

Total

N= 100%

%

0 7.1 0

0 4.0 0

19.8 29.5 42.8

968 2,151 3,041

0

0

3.0

2.5 0.8

2.5 51.9

2)888

0 0 0 0

0 15.3 0

0 14.3 0

17.0 38.9 53.2

1,594 1,399 990

3,584

time. Such variations in the rate of mobility within complexes are related to developments at the national, regional and local levels, as well as to developments w i t h i n the complexes. It may be expected that the number of dwellings produced locally and regionally influences the mobility rate within the existing stock. Pritchard had to reject the hypothesis that 'the rates of residential mobility are directly related to the state of a c t i v i t y in the housebuilding market' (1976: I16-I17). But in his explanation he only takes the total production output into account, and does not account for variations in housing differentiation. Frequently, housing production is influenced by a municipal policy that aims to promote adaptive moves. This would certainly affect not only the number of dwellings produced, but also the housing differentiation. Such a policy is based on the results of studies of vacancy chains, which have demonstrated that the production of different types of housing generates different patterns of adaptive moves (Priemus, 1984- 251). Research design and research localities The data for this article were collected as part of a research project that studied post-war neighbourhoods as entities (Korteweg). The residential histories of (complexes of) dwellings were compiled from municipal housing registers, supplemented by data from housing files. The housing registers have the advantage that they contain data on all dwellings, and that they facilitate inter-municipal comparisons; on the other hand, the number of variables included is limited. The study covered eight neighbourhoods in the towns of Haarlem, Alkmaar and Purmerend (Table 1). As the state of the housing markets of these towns is quite different, the results of the research cannot be generalized to the high-rise complexes in all types of towns.

34

TABLE 2.

Av erag e mobility in high-rise complexes, p e r c e n t a g e s .

Municipality neighbourhood

Tenure s e c t o r Public rental housing

Other nonprofit rental housing %

Private rental housing

ii.7 12.9

12.3

17.1

14.9

2tt.6

8.5 18.1

19.2 13.3 18.6

19.9

23.3

% Haarlem Parkwijk Boerhaavewijk Meerwijk Purmerend Overwhere-Zuid Wheer molen Alkmaar Overdie De Hoef 1 + 2 Oudorperpolder

10.9 10.0 10.9

%

Owneroccupier housing %

High-rise complexes are m u l t i - f a m i l y housing containing more than four floors of dwellings on top of a level of storage spaces. The d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n by tenure s e c t o r was used as the key variable. Within the public housing s e c t o r a further d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n was made by mode of financing) as this influences the level of rents. Among the t h r e e towns, the composition of the housing stock in the neighbourhoods proves to be d i f f e r e n t (Table l). The high-rise complexes, d i f f e r e n t i a t e d by t e n u r e sector and location, are the research e l e m e n t s . From each of the tenure sectors r ep r esen t ed in each neighbourhood a sample of dwellings was s e l e c t e d . In a few cases, the e n t i r e population of dwellings was included in the study. The av erag e and the annual mobility r a t e of the research e l e m e n t s are the c e n t r a l variables. The a v e r a g e r a t e of mobility was defined as the number of households t h a t have l e f t the dwelling annually since it was first used. This measure was subsequently standardized as the a v e r a g e per 100 dwellings. The annual mobility r a t e was defined as the number of households t h a t l e f t a dwelling in a c e r t a i n year. This measure also was standardized by taking the a v e r a g e per 100 dwellings. The distribution of length of tenure of the present occupants and the current v a c a n c y r a t e have been s e l e c t e d as the indicators of the present role of the complexes in the local housing markets. The size of the dwellings was determined by the number of rooms. The location was coded by the postal address code, and this was used to a g g r e g a t e individual dwellings to a p a r t m e n t buildings and spatially contiguous complexes. The address of origin and the destinations of households were employed to outline the mobility patterns of which the complexes form a part. Only the housing register maintained by the city of Haarlem also includes data on a number of household c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . Other data on the functioning of the high-rise complexes were derived from surveys among the present occupants.

35

FIGURE 2. The age composition of heads of households of (E) i n i t i a l occupants and (H) current occupants of high-rise complexes in 'Boerhaavewijk' in Haarlem.

The majority of the high-rise complexes were built in the period 1967-1972. The owner-occupier complex in Purmerend's 'Overwhere-Zuid' was built in 1975.

Mobility rate A wide variation in mobility rates was encountered among the high-rise complexes (Table 2). This indicates a different function of the high-rise complexes in the towns and neighbourhoods we studied. The data presented in Table 2 are indicative for four-room apartments, which form the majority in most tenure sectors. The mobility rate in Haarlem is generally lower than in the two other towns; the dKIerence among the public housing sectors is especially pronounced. This is due to different local housing market situations. Both of the other cities are designated growth centers and they have relatively fewer urgent households on the waiting list, a larger production of housing, and better opportunities for adaptive moves within their t e r r i t o r y . (In Haarlem, the average waiting time for a single-family dwelling is twelve years,) The mobility rate observed in Haarlem corresponds closely with the slow pace of mobility observed by 3obse (197t~) in post-war neighbourhoods in large cities. The mobility rates in the private rental sector and the owner-occupier sector are generally higher than those in the public housing sectors. This is 36

partly due to characteristics of the occupants. The most important factor to account for this difference in Haarlem's 'goerhaavewijk' is not the age of the occupants (Figure 2) but their higher socio-economic status (Kooij, 1994). This is reflected in the disparity in the income levels of the present occupants (Table 3). A similar difference was recorded in 'De Hoef I + 2' in Alkmaar (Westervoorde, 1994), where the socio-economic status of occupants of the private rental and the owner-occupier sectors was on the average higher than in the public housing sectors. The differences are frequently reinforced by the disparity in the financial positions of the groups: it was observed that several occupants of the public housing sectors had attempted to move in the past, but their financial position forced them to abandon their plans. The relatively low mobility rate in the public housing sectors is thus partly due to the occupants being 'trapped' in an inexpensive housing sector (Priemus 1984: I#7). Yet this does not always cause tension between a desired and an actual residential situation; we have observed that a proportion of the 'trapped' occupants are now satisfied with their housing situation (Table 4). In their present l i f e cycle stage, the dwelling presumably meets their housing aspirations better than in a previous stage. Also the spatial pattern of moves to and from the various sectors indicates that variations in population characteristics determine differences in the rate of mobility. The incoming and departing residents of the public housing sectors are more locally oriented than the residents of the other sectors. Public housing in AIkrnaar and Purrnerend also accommodate the overspill of population from the cities in the northern part of the Randstad. The other sectors are more important in the pattern of long-distance moves, which are predominantly work-related, causing mobility rate, occupational mobility and career development to interact. In none of the case studies were 'second stage adaptive moves' common among incoming long-distance movers. The number of this type of mover who make a second move within

TABLE B. Average net monthly income of households in high-rise complexes, Dfl. Municipality/ neighbourhood

Tenure sector(i) Public rental ho using

Haarlem Parkwijk Boerhaavewijk Meerwijk Purmerend Overwhere-Zuid Wheermolen Alkmaar De Hoe/ 1 + 2

Private rental ho using

Owner-occupier ho using

2,320 2,395 2,242 (2)

2,940

2,889

1,986 (2)

(3)

3,000 (3)

2,127

2,395

1,927

Notes: (1) No data available for non-profit rental housing. (2) D a t a for only two high-rise buildings. (3) No data available. 37

TABLE/~o Average score for quality of the unit (on a scale of 1 to i0), M unicipaJity/ neighbourhood

Tenure sector(I) Public rental ho using

Haarlem Parkwijk Boerhaavewijk Meerwijk Purrnerend Overwhere-Zuid Wheermolen Alkmaar De Hoef 1 + 2

7.0 6.8 6.z~/7.5 (2)

Private rental ho using

7.4

Owner-occupier ho using

6,7 g.1

6.5/7.2 (2) 7.7

6,5

6.1

Notes: (I) No data available for non-profit rental housing. (2) Data for only two high-rise buildings. the housing market area within a few years of arrival is not greater than the number of new occupants who originated w i t h i n the municipality. This could be explained by the housing regulations of the municipalities which compel the long-distance migrant to carefully take stock of the local housing options beforehand~ while local movers cannot gain access to desired housing by the same mechanism; this would tend to increase the probability of a second move for this group. The owner-occupier sector is highly diverse with respect to the average mobility rate, The mobility rate is remarkably low in the complex in 'Overwhere-Zuid I in Purmerend. That complex was built for owner-occupancy~ while the other complexes of this sector were converted from the private rental sector. These dwellings are different in quality and with respect to their residential environment, Within the various sectors different mobility rates have been noted among dwellings of different size, In the complex of public housing in IParkwijk' in Haarlem~ the average mobility rate of the three-room apartments is 20.1~ while the four-room dwellings show a mobility rate of only 7,7. A t the same time, two-room apartmen.ts in Alkmaar's ~ e Hoef 1 + 21 have a low mobility rate of go8~ while the mobility rate of the four-room apartments is as high as 22.6. These examples show that the relationship between size and mobility rate is not stable (cf, Priemus, 1984-" 184). The observed differences are caused by variations in the composition of the occupants of the types of dwellings in these complexes. The three-room apartments of IParkwijk I are used mostly by starting households and by single persons~ while the fourroom apartments are predominantly occupied by less mobile household types (Hofstra, I985). The reverse is true in the dwellings in ~ e Hoef 1 + 21 (Westervoorde~ 19g~). Similar dwellings obviously provide very different housing functions.

3g

The development of the mobility rate The development of the mobility rate shows strong fluctuations (Figure 3). Irrespective of the many minor deviations, the trend in mobility rates of the various sectors in the case study areas corresponds with the model presented above (Table 1). In the first few years of occupancy the mobility rate tends to be low, below average, but it increases over time. After a few years a period of high mobility sets in, whereby frequently the highest levels of mobility in the history of the complexes are attained. This is followed by a FIGURE 3. Mobility rate (standardized three-yearly running average) per tenure sector. Boerhaavewijk,

Haarlem

~+2

..'..

+1

.-~-':-.:% . . . . . .

1967

'70

.9-,. '1

'75

/ ,' t

'80

'82

'80

'82

public rental housing - other non-profit rental housing - - - private rental housing ...... owner-occupier housing 0~

Parkwiik and Merenwi)k,

1967

Haarlem

'70

'75

public rental housing Parkwijl~ - public rental housing Merenwijk - - - other non-profit rental housing Merenwijk Purmerend

/J? 1967

.......... /

'70

....

'75

'80

'82

owner-occupier housing Overwhere-Zuid - public rental housing Wheermolen - - - private rental housing Wheermolen ........ owner-occupier housing Wheermolen Alkmaar

~+2 ~+I

.......~'~ .....~.-

O

Y

/""

-2

i

1967

- -

--

'70

'75

public rental housing Overdie public rental housing De Hoef private rental housing De Hoef

'90

'82

...... owner-occupier housing De Hoef - - . public rental housing Oudorperpolder-Zuid

39

period with a relatively low level of mobility. In almost all housing sectors, the national trend of decreasing mobility during the second half of the 1970s, reaching its low in 1979 (Figure 1), can be observed; the increasing rate afterwards is especially marked in the rental sectors. The increase of the rate in the private rental sector reached such a high level that it became problematic. Only in the owner-occupier sector did the decrease in mobility continue a f t e r 1979, which also corresponds with the national trend. It is striking that the mobility rate of high-rise complexes had already increased to a problematic level (20% or more) in the second phase, soon after the complex was occupied. The rapidity of this increase is well illustrated by the examples of the private rental sector complexes in ~ e Hoef i + 2' in Alkmaar in the period 1979 to 1982, during which period annual rates of 9.8%, 22.0%, 14.6% and 41.5% were recorded. In a few sectors of some neighbourhoods the residential history is dominated by the recurrence of very high mobility rates (e.g., public housing in 'Overdie'). The development of the mobility rate from 1971 to 1983 corresponds (statistically) in varying degrees with the size and the type of local and regional new construction (Table 5). The presence of subsidized dwellings plays an i m p o r t a n t role in this respect. The mobility r a t e in owner-occupier complexes is also influenced by the construction of non-subsidized housing. But other regularities are not obvious and the impact of other characteristics of local and regional residential construction cannot be ascertained. This coincides with the e l e m e n t s of the theory of decline advanced by Prak and Priemus (1984) which argues the complex i n t e r r e l a t i o n of decline and many other processes of change. A b e t t e r understanding of the causes of the changes in mobility rates can only gained from an analysis at a lower aggregation level. TABLE 5. P e r c e n t a g e of total mobility 1971-1983 in high-rise complexes due to the size and type of the local and regional production of housing.

Tenure sector

Municipality/ neighbourhood Public rental housing

Haarlem Parkwijk Boerhaavewijk Meerwijk Purmerend Overwhere-Zuid Wheermolen Alkmaar Overdie De Hoef 1 + 2 Oudorperpolder

40

43 49 19

Othernonprofit rental housing

34 82

Private rental housing

Owner-occupier housing

26

48

46

35

61 56

68 33 78

43

16

T A B L E 6. H o u s e h o l d s w i t h a l e n g t h o f t e n u r e o f 1 y e a r or percentage of occupants of high-rise c om ple xe s .

Municipality/ neighbourhood

Tenure 1 year

10 y e a r s a s

Tenure 10 years

Public Other Private Owner- Public- Other Private Ownerrental nonrental occupier rental non- rental occupier housing profit housing housing housing profit housing housing rental rental housing housing Haarlem Parkwijk Boerhaavewijk Meerwijk

5,0 13.3 9.4

Purmerend Overwhere-Zuid Wheermolen

21.#

25.6

0

17.5 8.5 16.5

23.5

4.3

12.7 10.4

19.6

6.0

#3.3 #1.6 35.8

36.$ 28.5

47.1

2It.0

24.1

11.6

6.9

12.5 3tt.l 12.4

26.2

21.4

0

8.5

Alkmaar

Overdie De Hoef 1 + 2

Oudorperpolder

Before we shift to a low level of analysis, some other aspects of the functioning of the various sectors should be discussed. It has been noted that the rate of m o b i l i t y in recent years is r e f l e c t e d in the length of tenure of the present occupants of the dwellings. The share of occupants who have lived in the present dwelling for less than a year (Table 6) reflects the recent high m o b i l i t y r a t e in the p r i v a t e rental sector. The low m o b i l i t y r a t e in the owner-occupier sector, caused by the collapse of prices in this market segment which made i t unusual to be able to sell w i t h o u t incurring a loss, l i k e wise shows up in the average length of tenure, The highly v a r i a b l e rates in the public rental sector are r e f l e c t e d in the variations in length of tenure. Within the public housing sector notable differences exist between Haarlem, on the one hand, and the two growth centers on the other, but even w i t h i n both Haarlem and A l k m a a r , some remarkable differences were observed among the various complexes. The public housing complexes of 'Parkwijk' (Haarlem) and D e Hoef 1 + 2' (Alkmaar) contain few r e c e n t l y settled households and r e l a t i v e l y many who have lived there for ten years or longer (Table 6). This s t a b i l i t y of occupants reflects not only the existence of barriers to moving but, above all, the occupants' appreciation of their dwellings and t h e i r environment (Table 4; Hofstra, 1985; Westervoorde, 198~). Most occupants acquired t h e i r d w e l l ing through the mediation of the municipal housing a l l o c a t i o n system~ but many accepted the o f f e r because they considered the dwellings and the env i r o n m e n t to be a t t r a c t i v e . Now many of the occupants are of an advanced age, which makes them appreciate the conveniences of a p a r t m e n t living even rnore (e.g. single floor, l i f t ) . We have not measured the impact of the presence of a large number of households w i t h a prolonged tenure on the functioning of the complex. It may be assumed that t h e i r presence exerts a positive influence on the social at-

TABLE 7.

Building

Average mobility r a t e in high-rise public rental housing in 'Oudorperpolder') Alkmaar) percentages.

Waalstraat Vechtstraat Geulstraat Maasstraat a Maasstraat b Maasstraat c

Mobility rate 18.5 23.1 19.2 19.6 13.7 17.5

mosphere in the complex. But in many sectors) especially in the growth centres, the share of households with a long tenure has fallen to a low level (Table 6). Vacancies In addition to the mobility rate, the level of v a c a n c y is an indicator of the functioning of the high-rise complexes. In The Netherlands, a vacancy rate of 2.3 - 2.4% is considered appropriate to allow for a normal functioning of the housing market (Vrije, 1986: 22). The length of time a dwelling remains unoccupied is an indicator of the n a t u r e of the v a c a n c y (Vrije, 1986: 24). A relatively short period of vacancy ( 4 months) is considered to express the friction of normal market procedures. Vacancy in the public housing sector differs substantially from v a c a n c y in the private rental sector. The rates in the public rental sectors, where vacancies are mostly short-lived, are generally just below or above the norm, the only exception being found in 'Overdie'. This implies t h a t the problems in the public housing sector remain limited, even allowing for discrepancies between a d m i n i s t r a t i v e vacancies and actual ones. In the private rental sector, however) vacancies have become a major problem ('Boerhaavewijk' 17%) 'Wheermolen' 15%, ~3e Hoef 1 + 2' 17%). This high v a c a n c y r a t e corresponds with the high mobility r a t e of these complexes. Not much can be inferred from the v a c a n c y rate in the owner-occupier sector, since owners tend to be very r e l u c t a n t t(~ v a c a t e their dwelling before selling it.

Differences among and within high-rise complexes The public housing sector Even if the e x t e r n a l condition of comparable complexes of dwellings within a neighbourhood or cluster of complexes is similar) differences in mobility rates may still occur. The explanation for such differences must be found within the separate complexes and/or the buildings and in the activities of the actors involved. The predominant factors are the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the occupants and the m a n a g e m e n t . Even among the different buildings of a problematic complex of high-rise public housing in 'Oudorperpolder' in Alkmaar (buildings with deck access) large differences in the average mobility rates have been recorded (table 7; Kolpa, 1983) Otten) 1984) Gerritsen, 1986). Sometimes the residential histories of comparable complexes differ fundamentally. Among the various complexes of high-rise public housing in 'Wheermolenw in Purmerend, all being deck-access buildings with predomi-

42

FIGURE a,. Mobility rate (standardized three-yearly running average) in selected high-rise complexes in 'Wheermolen' (Purmerend). = % /~

/#~,

ComplexM......... g

/ ',/

20 I

\,

/~,

i~'

//

ComplexA....... klaan

ComplexMercuriusweg

1971

75

'80

'82

nantly four-room apartments, such differences have occurred from the start (Figure #). The mobility rates of the 'Meteorenweg' and 1Anne Franklaan 1 complexes have increased so much since 19g0 that we must infer a self-perpetuating process in increasing mobility (Boas-Vedder, 1976: 535). Both complexes were previously plagued by high mobility rates early in their history. Many factors can influence the level of mobility, as shown by comparison of two complexes in 'Wheermolen ~ with the lowest rate (~MercuriuswegVl average length of tenure in the three- and four-room apartments being approximately 100 months) and the highest rates ('Citerstraat'; average length of tenure in the four-room apartments being 75 months), respectively. The two complexes have a similar differentiation by size of the dwellings, but differences abound with respect to population composition, residential history~ and the evaluation of the housing situation by the occupants~ which in turn determines their propensity to move (Table g). The most striking differences among the two complexes are not household characteristics which are likely to induce moves~ but the opinions on aspects of the housing situation. In both complexes the majority of the occupants are dissatisfied with the management, but on five out of six aspects the occupants of the

43

TABLE g.

Characteristics of occupants of 'Mercuriusstraat' and 'Citerstraa~' nigh-rise complexes in 'Wheermolen', Purmerend.

Variable Household characteristics Type of household

Mercuriusstraat

Citerstraat

Many older single persons and twoperson households

Many younger two-person households and households with children

Occupational status More blue-collar Average net monthly income Dfl. 1~942.-Residential history From Purmerend 56% From Amsterdam 34% Adaptive moves 68% No free choice of location 1596 Assessment Average score of dwelling 7.2 Satisfied with physical residential environment 5396 Positive about social residential atmosphere 6896 Average score for location 7.9 Intention to move 54% Management Satisfied with= Maintenance of unit 29% Cleaning of communal areas 3896 Maintenance of building 33% Housing allocation 32% Measures against vandalism 896 Security measures 2496

More white-collar Dfl. 2,029.-32% 59% 61% 4996 6.5 3696 5496 7.4 23% 14% 48% 896 31% 3% 696

Source: Opdam~ 1985. 'Citerstraat' building are more negative than their counterparts in the 'Mercuriusweg' building. One of the differences is the opinion on housing allocation practices. Not only in these two buildings in 'Wheermolen' but in generaI~ our surveys indicate that many occupants are under the impression that the population of their neighbourhood is changing. The majority of them perceives the change to be negative. The social-residential atmosphere is potentially a destabilizing aspect of many high-rise complexes. The private rental and owner-occupier sectors The higher average mobility rate, the rapid increase of the rate since the early 1980s~ as well as the high vacancy rate in the private rental sector all seem to point to a poorer performance of the private high-rise sector in comparison to that of public high-rise housing. Undoubtedly, problems of functioning provide the motives to convert these private high-rise rental buildings into owner-occupier complexes~ even long before the need for 44

major maintenance and repairs shows up. Most of the surveyed owner-occupier complexes used to be in the private rental sector. The complex in the 'Overwhere-Zuid' neighbourhood in Purmerend is the exception to this rule. This happens to be the only complex where the values of the indicators (low mobility rate~ no vacancies~ a large stable core of occupant% a high degree of satisfaction with dwelling and environment) indicate a general absence of problems (Vries, 198#). Because all other complexes consist of both rental and owner-occupier dwellings in the same building~ these sectors are treated together in this analysis.

FIGURE ~. Mobility rate (standardized three-yearly running average) in private rental and owner-occupier units of mixed-tenure high-rise complexes in 'Boerhaavewijk' (Haarlem). % .=

#

o 25

20

15 ~

Owner.occupierunits Privaterentalunits

10

1972

'75

'80

'82 #5

FIGURE 6. Mobility rate (standardized t h r e e - y e a r l y running average) in the private rental and owner-occupier tenure sectors in two highrise complexes in ~3e Hoef I + 2' (Alkmaar).

i~176

"

I~

1

~

(private rental sector)

I

20

I / / 7 - - i - ~ 1I I~ IM IIk

",~ I

~/_/

\

/

"Honthorstlaan"

J_/ \ 1 /: ~ / \ (owner-occup~ersector) l--F ,---~ / T ~ I ^ ' )"Jan van Goi]enstraat" i /

~I /

II\

~ J~] \ / 9

/

(private rentalsector)

\"Jan van Goijenstraat" (owner-occupier sector)

0 1968 f I '70I I I I I '~5 ' I V , ,810 I '82 In Haarlem's 'Boerhaavewijk' the mobility rate in the owner-occupier sector is almost consistently (much) higher than in the rental sector (Figure 5). The owner-occupier apartments were converted from the rental sector. It is certain that the high mobility rate was a major consideration for the owner to convert. The complex comprises five tower blocks, and is situated in the southern portion of 'Boerhaavewijk'. Two of these blocks consist of only rental apartments, the other three are mixed. In these buildings the sale of apartments, which was begun in the second half of the 1970s) has reached an advanced stage. Conversion is supposed to decrease the mobility rate (BoasVedder, 1976: 536). Indeed) the m o b i l i t y rate decreased sharply after 1976 (Figure 5)) but in the 1980s the mobility rate remains higher than that of the rental dwellings in the same buildings. This difference is explained by the population composition among the rental units and the owner-occupier apartments. The owner-occupier apartments cater to the needs of young households who are starting out in their occupational careers; they are either single or belong to two-person households, and they move predominantly for career motives. But they also express a different appreciation of their residential situation (Table 4). The conversion of rental dwellings does not always solve the problems plaguing the complex, but can also shift them, as Boas-Vedder warned (1976). This clearly shows up in the analysis of a new mixed rental/owner-occupier complexes in ~3e Hoef 1 + 2' in Alkmaar (Figure 6). In the '3an van Goijenstraat' complex of stairwell-access buildings, the mobility rate is clearly lower than in the 'Honthorstlaan' complex of deck-access buildings. This latter complex experienced annual mobility rates of 40-50% shortly a f t e r it was first occupied. Since 19759 the mobility rate of the 'Jan van Goijenstraat' 46

complex has decreased. The mobility rate for the owner-occupier 'Honthorstlaan' a p a r t m e n t s still topped 20% after 1979, the year in which the homeowner market in The Netherlands collapsed. Since then, the mobility rate of the rental units in the same complex has reached a very high level as a result of the major increase of prostitution in the complex (Westervoorde, 198L~). Obviously, there were incentives to leave, but it is equally clear that renters can leave much more easily than owner-occupiers who are stuck with an unsaleable property. The rapidly increasing vacancy rate caused the residential environment of the complex to deteriorate even further. The (partial) conversion of rental buildings creates very complex m a n agement situations, as owners with widely divergent interests are brought together. This can easily c r e a t e conditions that provoke a rapid decline of the complexes. Summary and conclusions This article provides a limited analysis of the functioning of high-rise complexes; i t focuses on only a few indicators (mobility rate, vacancy, and (in part) the opinions and characteristics of the occupants), among which the mobility rate was selected to be the central variable. Several high-rise complexes were compared with respect to the development of their mobility rates. The level of mobility by itself can give an indication of the incidence of problems (when the level is high, or when it increases rapidly). But more insight is gained by comparing various complexes and by employing further data related to the functioning of buildings. Not all problems lead to increased mobility, but by monitoring changes in the rates and the levels they a t t a i n , we get information on the functioning of the complexes. It was the goal of the research project on which this article reports to explore this topic in preparation for more detailed studies. To this end, it was useful to study the situation of high-rise complexes at different scales (ranging from neighbourhoods to individual buildings). The use of the municipal registers also proved to be convenient (particularly when automated). One outcome is that the functioning of high-rise complexes varies widely. This clearly points to a range of problems which are i n t e r r e l a t e d in a complicated way. Our expectation that the mobility rate increases as the housing market situation eases was clearly substantiated. The correlation with the size and type of the local and regional housing production, however, proved to be more complex. This is certainly caused by the many factors that influence people's moving behavior, and also by the existence of both direct and indirect effects of new construction on the functioning of the high-rise sectors represented in this survey. Differences in household composition with respect to variables that influence the propensity to move are important to an explanation of variations of the mobility rate of the complexes described in this study. Such characteristics include the aspirations of households and their potential for effectuating their plans to move, and those factors that 'trap' households in their present dwelling. We could not demonstrate the impact on variations in mobility rates caused by 'second-stage adaptive moves' undertaken as sequels to long-distance moves. Migrants from afar are not more likely to move again than local movers are. Apparently, this is because local starting households are allocated less desirable dwellings in high-rise complexes by the municipal housing authorities. Differences among the three municipalities with regard to mobility rates in high-rise complexes indicate that the local housing market situations (a tight housing market; the composition of the stock or of new construction)

47

are important factors influencing the way housing complexes function. The fact that the mobility rates observed in the private rental and the owner-occupier sectors were higher than in the public rental sectors is ostensibly the result of different population characteristics in these sectors (financial position, career mobility, dependence on the municipal housing allocation system). In spite of such differences, the rates of mobility of housing complexes in different municipalities tend to become more alike as time passes. Many complexes change because of the demographic characteristics of their occupants. In addition, many complexes seem to follow national trends in mobility, which indicates that they are not impervious to the impact of wider influences. An analysis at the scale of parts of neighbourhoods, including the level of individual buildings, provides r e l e v a n t insights for managers and for municipal authorities who formulate housing policies. D i f f e r e n t complexes seem to serve the needs of di[[erent categories of households. These groups are distinguished by their propensity to move and by the degree to which highrise housing meets their housing needs. Some high-rise complexes have problems; they are rife in the private rental sector, while the public rental sector is very heterogeneous in this respect. But even complexes that appear to be reasonably sound at this moment are being threatened. The objections people harbour against high-rise living have less to do with the intrinsic qualities of this type of housing than with problems that can be solved (drafts, noised energy use, etc.). Their opinion of the management of the complexes is not unequivocally favorable. This indicates that the managers could try to improve the functioning of their high-rise properties. The declining quality of the social environment forms another threat to the proper functioning of the complexes. Many occupants noted a change in the characteristics of the inhabitants of the neighbourhood or of the occupants of the complex, and consider the change to be negative. The allocation procedures should be made more sensitive to maintaining the social structure or stimulating its restoration. In consequence, the municipal housing authorities may have to relinquish some of their allocation powers to the managers of the complexes. Measures taken by the managers of individual complexes may help them to keep the present occupants and a t t r a c t new ones. But the number of households making a positive choice for a longer or shorter tenure in a highrise dwelling will - given the predominant preference for single-family dwellings - remain smaller than the number of such dwellings in some housing market areas. This implies that measures to increase the attractiveness of high-rise units, such as renovation, subdivision, refurbishing of buildings, decrease in rent and service charges, as well as changes in allocation procedures~ will not always be successful. The example from 'De Hoef 1 + 2' in Alkmaar also demonstrates that the conversion of rental units into owner-occupier a p a r t m e n t s does not always improve the functioning of the complex. Especially when buildings combine rental and owner-occupied a p a r t m e n t s , the management can become so beset with conflicts of i n t e r e s t that it becomes impossible to stop the onset of decline.

48

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