GeoJournal 20.3 1 9 1 - 2 0 2
1 !91
© 199o (March) by Kluwer Academic Publishers
Conservation Status of Wetlands in Zimbabwe: Past and Present Whitlow, Richard, Dr., University of Zimbabwe, POB MP 167, Harare, Zimbabwe ABSTRACT: The conservation status of dambos, a particular type of wetland associated with the headwaters of rivers draining the central plateau area of Zimbabwe, is examined in terms of past and present utilisation and erosion problems. Pre- and post-1950 phases are recognised within both the commercial farming areas and the Communal Lands (or peasant farming areas). The pre-1950 phase on commercial farms was one of exploitation of dambos mainly for winter wheat production, such cultivation contributing towards locally serious erosion. Consequently legislation was passed to restrict disturbance of wetlands, especially for cultivation. The post-1950 phase on commercial farms was one of conservation, with minimal use of dambos for grazing and limited erosion. The pre-1950 phase within the Communal Lands, the former native reserves, was one involving progressive modification of the traditional farming system through, in particular, centralisafion. Dambo cultivation, a well-established practice, continued throughout this place, but towards the end of this period there were localised signs of degradation associated, in part, with grazing. The post-1950 phase was one of increased pressure on land with a growing human and livestock population. Thus dambos were required to support more and more cattle throughout the year, whilst efforts to curtail dambo cultivation were not well-received by peasant farmers and may have compromised general conservation in the reserves.
Introduction W e t l a n d s , comprising seasonally w a t e r l o g g e d , grassc o v e r e d depressions associated with the h e a d w a t e r s of rivers draining p l a t e a u surfaces, cover o v e r 1,28 million ha (hectares) in central Z i m b a b w e (Fig 1A). Such w e t l a n d s are refferred to in this country as matoro o r bani (Shona) or vleis (English). E l s e w h e r e in Southcentral A f r i c a c o m p a r a b l e features are called dambos, a t e r m which is being used increasingly (but not necessarily a p p r o p r i a t e l y ) t h r o u g h o u t A f r i c a ( T h o m a s and G o u d i e 1985). Certainly, the t e r m dambo is gradually gaining w i d e r a c c e p t a n c e in Z i m b a b w e given the similarities b e t w e e n this t y p e of w e t l a n d with those in Z a m b i a and Malawi ( W h i t l o w 1984). H e n c e this t e r m will b e used in this p a p e r . M u c h of central Z i m b a b w e is u n d e r l a i n by granitic rocks (Fig 1B), with the m a i n w a t e r s h e d axis trending N N E - S S W across the country s e p a r a t i n g the d r a i n a g e systems of the Z a m b e z i and L i m p o p o . Dambos are most extensive on the r e m n a n t s of the A f r i c a n erosion surface (Lister 1979), typically comprising a b o u t one third of the landscape. T h e p r o p o r t i o n of dambo decreases,
h o w e v e r , with i n c r e a s e d distance from the m a i n watershed axis (Fig 1A), p a r t l y due to g r e a t e r incision of rivers and stripping a w a y of regolith. O v e r o n e million h a of d a m b o occur within c o m m e r c i a l farming areas (mainly large E u r o p e a n - o w n e d farms) given their large share of the central p l a t e a u region (Fig 1C). A b o u t 260,000 ha of d a m b o occur within p e a s a n t farming areas (referred to since Z i m b a b w e ' s i n d e p e n d e n c e in 1980 as C o m m u n a l L a n d s ) , given their generally p e r i p h e r a l location relative to the central watershed. T h e r e are m a j o r contrasts in the status of d a m b o s b e t w e e n the two m a i n farming systems. O n l y limited use is m a d e of dambos on c o m m e r c i a l farms at p r e s e n t , p r i m a r i l y for late d r y season grazing and, m o r e locally, for s u m m e r cropping. In contrast, dambos in the C o m m u n a l L a n d s are heavily grazed all y e a r a r o u n d and small gardens along dambo margins are i m p o r t a n t sources of f o o d for h o m e c o n s u m p t i o n o r sale for rural families who have access to such gardens. M o r e o v e r , whilst c o m m e r c i a l f a r m e r s generally can afford to a b i d e by prevailing conservation - o r i e n t a t e d legislation on these wetlands, growing h u m a n and livestock p o p u lations are placing i n c r e a s e d pressures u p o n dambos in
GeoJournal 20.3/1990
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the Communal Lands. Consequently, soil erosion and associated drying-out of dambos is a very localised problem on commercial farms whereas there is widespread denudation of plant cover and soils (including locally serious gullying) within dambos in peasant farming areas. The objective of this paper is to examine the status of dambo conservation in Zimbabwe with respect to two related questions. Firstly, how did the present pattern of use and erosion of dambos arise and secondly, what was the response of farmers and the state to problems of wetland utilisation? It is argued that only through an evaluation of the various political, socio-economic and
environmental factors pertaining to wetlands that one can obtain a realistic picture of the status of dambos and be in a position to resolve current problems of use and erosion of these wetlands (Whitlow 1989). Given the somewhat different circumstances related to commercial and peasant farming, the conservation history of the two main agricultural systems are examined separately.
U s e and Conservation o f D a m b o s on Commercial Farms
Various factors have combined to promote generally high standards of conservation on commercial farms in
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Zimbabwe, especially from the late 1940's onwards (Fig 2). A national erosion survey (involving examination of nearly 8,500 recent aerial photographs) revealed, not suprisingly, very limited land degradation within such farmlands (Whitlow 1988a). However, archival sources dating from the early 1900's indicate that soil erosion was a problem in the past, especially in wetland areas. Thus one can identify a pre-1950 'exploitation phase' and a post-1950 'conservation phase' with respect to the changing status of clambos on commercial farms.
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It was the lure of gold which really stimulated the occupation of Zimbabwe by the British South Africa Company (BSACo) in 1890. Once it became apparent that only localised gold deposits existed, the pioneering European settlers turned more seriously towards farming. In the early 1900's dambos were favoured sites for cropping. This was because dambos were devoid of trees so required no stumping, the humic topsoils could be ploughed easily (with oxen-drawn implements in the early 1900's), and good yields were obtained with minimal or no inputs of nutrients, at least for a few years. However, to facilitate cropping of dambos, especially the wetter ones, it was necessary to remove surplus water. The simplest and cheapest way of draining dambos was to excavate open dirches along the central axes of the wetlands. It was not long before 'agricultural engineers' were warning against cultivation of wetlands, especially for crops like maize which did "not bind the surface soil nor retard the velocity of storm water" (Watt 1912). By the 1920's it was clear that erosion was becoming more widespread and locally serious within dambos. Irrigation engineers' reports, for example, noted the prevalence of erosion within cultivated dambos after only a few years following removal of the natural herbaceous cover (Jennings 1923), with open ditches being a major cause of gullying (Haviland 1927). Legislation in the form of the Water Act (1927) was enacted in response to this problem of erosion (Robertson 1928). At this time it was thought that dambos behaved like sponges, regulating runoff of rivers into which the dambos drained. Cultivation, sometimes from winter and summer crops on the same land, not only caused erosion but appeared to promote drying out of dambos. Hence, the legislation was especially concerned with dambo cultivation but actually prohibited any activities involving intereference of the plant cover or soils within wetlands (e.g. grazing, burning). This legislation is still applicable today albeit in modified form (Cormack 1972). European farmers, however, were either unaware of this legislation or, more likely given the open debate on wetland cultivation within, for example, the Rhodesia Agricultural Union annual congresses (Whitlow 1989), chose to ignore it given the advantages of dambo cropping noted earlier.
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Indeed, throughout the 1930's and 1940's there was a substantial increase in dambo cultivation, mainly for winter wheat production (Fig 3). Wheat was grown in the winter period (dry season A p r i l - O c t o b e r ) since it was less susceptible to rust at this time of year and the residual moisture in dambo soils enable of cropping with little or no supplementary irrigation. Whilst yields of dambo wheat were low ( 1 - 2 bags/acre compared with 5 - 6 bags/acre for irrigated land), costs of production were also low making it a viable commercial proposition. Despite t h e Water Act, the government stimulated dambo wheat production in a bid to reduce imported wheat, by providing higher guaranteed prices for locally grown grain. For example, less than 300 farmers were growing wheat in the late 1920's but this increased to over 500 by the mid 1930's. Similarly, the area under wheat increased from about 1800 ha in the late 1920's to just over 9,000 ha in the mid-1930's (Fig 3). About three-quarters of the wheat at this time was grown within dambos. This, in part, accounted for variations in yields and production from year to year since dambo wheat was more vulnerable to seasonal differences in soil moisture and frost within valley sites (Fig 3). The practice of dambo cultivation and government support for this activity attracted a great deal of attention from a Commission of Enquiry instituted in 1938 to assess the extent of land degradation throughput the country (Commission of Enquiry 1939). Following parliamentary acceptance of this Commission's report, the Natural Resources -Act (1941) was passed and the Natural Resources Board (NRB) was created to enforce it. The NRB also criticised the use of dambos for winter
Geodoumal 20.3/1990
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wheat noting in one report for example, that "damage continues in the majority of cultivated vleis, and each year still more vleis are put under the p l o u g h . . , the control of methods of use of vleis is a matter for urgent investigation "(NRB annual report 1945). Partly in response to such criticism, the government introduced a bonus scheme to encourage better husbandry within cultivated wetlands. However, very few farmers took
Fig 4
Evidence of past cultivation and erosion within dambos in the Mvuma area, central Zimbabwe
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advantage of this scheme and limited improvements took place in conserving dambos, despite repeated warmings on the hazards of cultivating wetlands (e.g. Anonymous 1935; Roberts 1938, Irrigation Department 1944). The effects of prolonged cultivation, in the form of gully erosion and desiccation, were becoming more apparent by the late 1940's. This was attributed to a combination of wheat monoculture year after year with the associated mineralisation of organic matter, ploughing across the central portions of d a m b o s and a series of drought years, an especially severe, countrywide drought occuring in 1947. Under these circumstances, farmers were more responsive to the warnings of the NRB and irrigation engineers, but the scars of this erosion are still visible today (Fig 4). Greater attention was given to the problems of reclaiming and protecting eroded d a m b o s (e.g. Aylen 1940) and the use of such wetlands for grazing purposes (Pasture Research Committee 1944; Staples 1948). In 1948 the Department of Conservation and Extension (Conex) was created to assist in the development of commercial farming and from its inception it adopted a clear policy of conservation, in practice meaning 'preservation' of dambos. By the late 1940's there were more Intensive Conservation Area (ICA) committees in existence, these being local farmer groups promoted by
GeoJournal 2 0 . 3 / 1 9 9 0
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the NRB to encourage conservation in general (Whitlow 1988a). Consequently, by 1950 the phase of exploitation' of dambos was over and a new phase of 'conservation' had been set in motion.
Conservation phase Throughout the 1950's there was a major drive to establish what became known as 'conservation farming', with an initial emphasis on mechanical protection of arable lands but later incorporating aspects of soil fertility and bush management. This involved the combined efforts of farmers, I C A committees, Conex and the NRB supported by government subsidies covering between one third and one half the cost of conservation works. This provided a firm foundation for subsequent intensification and diversification of European agriculture during the 1960's, a trend reinforced by the imposition of economic sanctions against the country following the white government's unilateral declaration of independence in November, 1965. In the case of dambos, conservation during this post1950 period generally meant limited, late dry season grazing with occasional burning to remove moribund herbaceous cover. The Public Stream Bank Protection regulations (1952) were passed to support earlier legislation on wetlands. Technically, this excluded any form of disturbance of wetlands but in practice only cultivation was discouraged. A Vlei Commission, established in 1949 to review the status of wetlands, presented its final report in 1953 noting that in the absence of adequate knowledge on these features "a policy of preservation (was) a sound one and a safe one" (Rattray, Cormack and Staples 1953). By this stage most European farmers had "ceased cultivating dambos, but the NRB annual reports during the 1950's indicate that actions were taken to stop farm labourers from continuing such cultivation. The 1950's were characterised by a series of good rainy seasons and croplands bordering and within dambos were affected adversely by waterlogging. To overcome this problem and extend the area of arable land and improved pasture, given the locally high proportions of dambos on some farms, a number of European farmers experimented with sub-surface drains and ridge-furrowing to remove excess water within wetlands. The success of their efforts prompted the establishment of a Drainage Advisory Committee (1958) within Conex and the initiation of over 30 trials to assess the best ways of draining and improving dambos (Robertson 1964). In comparison with dryland sites the dambos, especially those with calcic hydromorphic soils on the greenstone belts (Thompson 1965), had greater potential for cropping insofar as they were generally more fertile and subject to less moisture stress in the case of crops grown during the summer (wet) season. Prohitive legislation on wetlands was not modified to accommodate these activities of farmers and Conex;
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rather, it was simply not enforced. Unfortunately, the dambo investigation ended with the breakup of the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland in 1963, although trials were continued on a caretaker basis for a number of years after this. The wet phase of the 1950's was followed by a relatively dry phase countrywide during the 1960's. With respect to dambos there was a threeway division of interests during this period. Firstly, farmers in marginal rainfall areas of Natural Farming Regions IIB and III, especially in the Marandellas District (Fig 5), showed increased interest in dambo cultivation, especially for summer maize, since this improved the economic viability of their overall operations. Secondly, Conex field officers were drawn increasingly into advising on wetland cultivation which, technically, was illegal; but no clear policy was forthcoming from their head office to determine what field staff should do. Thirdly, research personnel were reluctant to provide guidelines on dambo cultivation in the absence of adequate experimental data; yet owing to manpower and financial constraints it was impossible to carry out a proper programme on improved uses of dambos. However, the Drainage Advisory Committe was resuscitated in 1969 and, in the followings year, renamed the Vlei Utilisation Working Party (VUWP). The operations of this group can best be described as 'too many experts and not enough workers'! Experimental trials were initiated but, with very restricted inputs of skilled manpower and funding, little of value emerged. The V U W P recognised that legislation and reality were out of step and attempted, unsuccessfully to, resolve the issue of legalising wetland cultivation o n European farms. It also compiled a lengthy report o n dambo maize production for circulation amongst farmers. However, it was decided that until the legal aspects had been cleared by parliament that this report
196
GeoJournal 20.3/1990
should be retained for internal use by Conex staff. Only a brief summary was released in a local farming magazine (Grant 1974). At the same time, agricultural engineers continued to emphasize the hazards of soil erosion and increased runoff within dambos (Fig 6), stressing the need for properly constructed, well-grassed waterways and shorter lengths of contour ridging within cultivated wetlands (Elwell and Davey 1972). Escalation of civil war during the 1970's increasingly hampered farming and the VUWP ceased operation during this period. Following the change-over to a black
nationalist government in 1980 conditions improved for commercial farmers insofar as access to export markets (tobacco, beef and, increasingly, horticultural produce) was reinstated. As far as wetlands were concerned, however, the status did not change a great deal. A few farmers continued to improve their wetlands, but many of them simply regarded dambos as poor quality grazing land of limited value following burning in the late dry season. Government-controlled extension and research organisations have turned their attention more towards the long-neglected needs of the peasant farming sector. Consequently, the backup for commercial agriculture is being met increasingly by private companies. Under these circumstances the prospects for establishing a coordinated, adequately supported research programme on more intensive use of wetlands are poor. Moreover, there are no signs that the clearly antiquated legislation on these areas is going to be revised although tentative moves to reassess this have been made recently by the NRB and Agritex (the successor to Conex). Thus, on balance, the post-1950 period has been one whereby conservation has been emphasized with respect to dambos on commercial farms. Even where farmers ventured into greater use of such wetlands, great care was taken to avoid the problems of erosion and drying out that had occurred in the pre-1950 period. The interpretation of conservation, however, varied between the different parties concerned with dambos. At one end of the spectrum there was the view that conservation meant 'preservation', whilst at the other end conservation was seen as 'careful management'.
Fig 7
Use and Conservation of Dambos in Peasant Farming Areas
Fig 6
Severe rill and sheetwash erosion on the margins of a stand of wetland maize (Source: Dr. H. Elwell)
Factors inhibiting conservation within peasant farming areas in Zimbabwe
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Various factors have combined to inhibit conservation within peasant farming areas in Zimbabwe, giving rise to generally poor standards of conservation within these areas today (Fig 7). The national erosion survey revealed widespread, locally severe land degredation in the Communal Lands associated, in part, with variations in population density. A detailed account of how this problem developed during the colonial period and since independence (1980) has been presented elsewhere (Whitlow 1988b). In terms of wetland use and erosion one can recognise two main phases notably pre-1950 'changing a traditional system' and post-1950 'land under pressure'.
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Changing a traditional system phase Prior to European colonisation, African farmers operated a shifting agricultural system throughout much of the country although cattle reasing occupied a central position amongst the Ndebele people in the SW of Zimbabwe. Wetland cultivation was an integral and
GeoJournal 20.3/1990
Fig 8
Ridge-furrowpatterns of traditional wetland cultivation now abandoned
important element of farming, with the near-surface water table within dambos enabling localised irrigation from shallow wells throughout the year thus ensuring a regular supply of vegetables. Cultivation generally involved construction of raised beds/ridges or basins (matimba pits, Fig 8 and 9, Mundy 1920). Rice was grown in the wetter troughs or basins, whilst crops such as maize, pumpkins and tsenza (Plectranthus floribundus, a tuber crop) were grown on the better drained ridges or basin rims. The widespread nature of dambo gardening is evident in the reports of early European travellers (e.g. Brown 1899; Selous 1920) and ridge furrow patterns are still visible in many of the dambos on present day commercial farms, especially in the Rusape district in E Zimbabwe (Whitlow 1983). The presence of these relics of former dambo cultivation indicate that African people were occupying a large part of the central watershed plateau by the late 19th century (Roder 1964). Circumstances changed dramatically when the BSACo occupied central Mashonaland and, in 1893, extended its control over Matabeleland following defeat of the Ndebele. Within the first two decades of colonial rule the indigenous population was dispossessed of nearly four fifths of its land. It only had exclusive rights to land within native reserves, first designated in 1894 and located mainly on the periphery of the central watershed plateau away from the newly established urban centres and railways (Zinyama and Whitlow 1986). The inequable division of land between Africans and European settlers was enshrined in the Land Apportionment Act (1931) and was a root cause of the subsequent deterioration of man-land relationships within the peasant farming areas (Whitlow 1988a). In the early years of colonisation official policy towards the reserves was largely one of indifference. Indeed, it seems that African farmers were unwelcome competition for the newly established European farms (Palmer 1977), with every effort being made to coerce Africans into working on settler farms and mines. It was not until 1926 that the post of Agriculturalist for the
197
Fig 9
Matimba pits, now abandoned
Instruction of Natives was created in recognition of the need to assist African. farmers. The first incumbent of this post, E. D. Alvord, working with very limited manpower and financial resources introduced a system of centralisation. This involved consolidation (and sometimes fencing) of arable lands separate from grazing areas and alignment of villages in 'lines' along the margins of arable blocks (Kay 1970; Zinyama and Whitlow 1986). Following centralisation, Alvord hoped to disseminate improved methods of farming via demonstration plots. Although adoption of agrarian reforms via this approach was not especially successful, centralisation effected a major change in the pattern of land use and settlement in the reserves and became the foundation of the later introduction of mechanical conservation works (Whitlow 1988a). Colonial occupation had two effects upon dambo cultivation. Firstly the introduction and widespread adoption of oxen-drawn ploughs enabled ploughing of larger areas of wetland (Mundy 1920). Secondly, the mines and growing urban centres provided a ready market for the sale of vegetables and 'green mealies' (maize), particularly during the dry winter months when such produce was in short supply. Thus African farmers capitalised on their knowledge on the cropping of
dambos. One of the earliest reports on intensified use of wetlands comes from the Commission of Enquiry (1939) who noted that the "quest for cultivable land and the desire to get crops on moist land before the coming of the rains (had) led, in many parts of the country, to the clearing and planting of river banks and the breaking up of swamps commonly called vIeis (p. 12). Their report also drew attention to the hazards of gully erosion within dambos, a point observed also by Aylen (1942) who regarded the provision for a winter dambo garden within the centralisation programme as a serious loophole since such cultivation often resulted in erosion. This concern was echoed by the NRB (1943) reporting that "infinite damage (was) being caused by the cultivation of swamps
GeoJournal 20.3/1990
198
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Location of Reserves and Special Native Areas in 1950
for the purpose of what (was) known as winter gardens and the growing of wheat" (p. 2). Grazing and trampling by livestock within dambos were also attracting attention. For example, with reference to Zimutu Reserve, Robinson (1951) noted that as a result of overgrazing "the vleis had been trampled out and had dried out . . . sheet erosion was evident in all the vleis and pit erosion had commenced in about a third of the vleis" (p. 254). Similarly, in a reconnaissance survey of reserves S of Salisbury (now Harare), Davies (1974) observed that "many of the vleis (were) already showing signs of serious donga erosion, due directly to the severity of grazing and treading" (p. 699). It was largely in response to this problem that conservation work was initiated within wetlands in 1947 (Whitlow 1989). This took the form of vlei dams designed to store runoff and increase local infiltration, thereby maintaining high water table levels within upstream areas. In the following year fencing of sponges, the very wet sites characterised by reeds and sedges, was introduced mainly in the drier reserves. This proved successful in rehabilitation of degraded sponges, resulting in restoration of streamflow emanating from these localised wetlands. Hence it became an important aspect of conservation in the reserves by the late 1940's. In Zimutu Reserve a combination of pasture furrows, fencing of local sponges and the demarcation of paddocks for a rotational grazing scheme was initiated in 1948 (Robinson 1951), but, generally, only limited efforts were made to marry together conservation and grazing management in other reserves until the late 1960's (Froude 1974). Whilst erosion and desiccation of dambos, attracted increasing attention during this pre-1950 phase, undoubtedly degradation of dryland arable and grazing areas
were more serious. The Africans viewed the deterioration of plant cover and soils within the reserves as symptomatic of the need for more and better land. The colonial goevernment, however, saw the problem as a product of wasteful, ineffective farming. Thus in 1936 a formal conservation programme was launched within the reserves directed initially at mechanical protection of arable lands. Legislative support for conservation was included in the Natural Resources Act (1941). However, in the absence of the necessary financial and manpower inputs, notwithstanding NRB efforts to secure these from the government, this Act was more "a declaration of intent rather than a blueprint for immediate action" (Kay 1970, p. 86). In practice, the only action in the reserves was a limited amount of destocking, a move strongly opposed by District Commissioners responsible for administering these areas. Destocking certainly aroused a great deal of resentment amonst the Africans, creating an atmosphere which was not conducive for later implementation of general conservation measures. In response to protracted progress in conservation and apparent reluctance of peasants to adopt basic conservation methods, official policy by the late 1940's moved towards a scheme of compulsory agrarian reforms. This emerged, in legislative form, in the Native Land Husbandry Act (NLHA) in 1951. In 1950, however, after several years of debate the colonial government eventually accepted the notion that the reserves were, to varying degrees, affected by overpopulation. Consequently, additional land was provided for the reserves in the form of Special Native Areas (SNA's) in 1950. However, since the SNA's (which were added to throughout the 1950's) were located mainly in the tsetseinfested west and arid south of the country (Fig 10),. they had negligible impact in terms of relieving pressure on land within the more congested reserves.
Land under pressure phase The N L H A combined aspects of centralisation with the strict, but hitherto ineffectual, conservation legislation passed in terms of the Natural Resources Act in 1941. There were three main components in the N L H A (Southern Rhodesia 1951). These were the adoption of good farming practices, legal backing for the enforcement of conservation measures and the replacement of the traditional land tenure system with one based upon individual rights. The underlying philosophy here was that if peasant farmers had secure individual rights to land they would be more inclined to improve the land. Equally, they could be held responsible for any degradation of land. Whereas centralisation upset traditional patterns of land use and settlement, the N L H A threatened complete disruption of traditional land tenure (Hughes 1971). Indeed, through creation of a substantial number of landless people and becoming a target for nationalist
GeoJournal 20.3/1990
Fig 11 Land use and settlement patterns in part of Zwimba Reserve in 1954 (based on 1:20,000 aerial photograph)
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politics, the N L H A was eventually suspended in 1962 (Kay 1970; Whitlow 1985). There were specific clauses within the N L H A concerned prohibition or restriction of wetland cultivation and protection of areas such as sponges; that is, legal support for conservation measures which had been initiated in the late 1940's. This legislation was reinforced in 1952 with the passing of the Public Stream Bank Protection regulations which determined that no disturbance should take place within 100 feet (30 m) of either bank of verge of a public stream (Rattray, Cormack and Staples 1953). There was now a clearer intention of enforcing these regulations, motivated in part by the experience of dambo cultivation on European farms. With the implementation of the N L H A and the associated registering of individual arable land rights, there was a general exclusion of cropping from dambos. The extent to which this took place during the 1950's is difficult to assess since most of the reserves within the main dambo region had already been centralised. In Zwimba Reserve, for example, centralisation was carried out in 1946/47. Consequently, prior to the implementation of the N L H A reforms in this area in 1956/57, large blocks of arable land and associated linear settlement patterns had been established already (Fig 11). In a survey of this area in November, 1956, it was noted that the dambos were "at one time ploughed but this has now stopped and the areas (are now) demarcated" (Assessment Committee 1956, p. 3). The term 'demarcation' was used at that time to indicate areas where acceptable land uses had been defined on the ground. In the case of dambos a common method
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I~
Tracks
of demarcation was to place stone beacons along the boundaries of areas not to be tilled. This was not entirely satisfactory since the stone beacons were not permanent markers. Once arable plots had been defined and registered for individuals in the dryland areas there was less of a problem in excluding previous cultivation in dambos or in preventing later encroachment of gardens in these wetlands. Notwithstanding these increased limitations on dambo cropping, archival records show that vegetable production continued within wetlands, especially for domestic consumption. Available statistics show that during the 1950's between 59 and 71% of annual wheat production in the country was grown within the reserves, with maximum output in these areas being 38,211 bags in 1956 (Whitlow 1989). Wilson (1986) contends that there was colonial suppression of wetland cultivation at this time because o f "fears of successful cultivation of wheat for sale by native farmers" (Wilson 1986, p. 3). This is, in fact~ a fallacious argument for several reasons. Firstly, national requirements of wheat by the late 1950's were around 550 000 bags per year. The reserve output of wheat clearly constituted a very small percentage of the country's needs which were met primarily from imported wheat. Secondly, a relatively small proportion of the reserve wheat, around 20%, was actually marketed with the remainder retained for home consumption. This ~as in contrast to wheat grown on European farms which was sold in urban markets. Thirdly, an increasing proportion of reserve wheat by the late 1950's was actually grown on irrigation schemes, but available statistics do not distinguish between dambo and irrigated wheat
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(Whitlow 1989). Consequently, one can reject Wilson's (1986) assertion. Restriction on wetland cultivation was motivated more by a genuine concern over the erosion hazards associated with this use of dambos. T h e p o l i c y restricting cultivation in dambos was pursued even more vigorously during the 1963-69 period when Conex took over responsibility for conservation within the reserves, then known as Tribal Trust Lands (TTL's). By this stage there was more widespread evidence of denudation and drying out of dambos. Cultivation was seen as a contributory factor in this deterioration, along with overgrazing (Cleghorn 1966; Whitlow 1989). Since its formation Conex was opposed to dambo cultivation, but until 1963 only operated within European farming areas. When its responsibilities were extended into the q-TL's, moves were taken against peasant farmers whose dambo gardens were contravening wetland legislation and/or affected by localised erosion, typically in drainage ditches removing excess water from the gardens. A useful case study of Que Que T T L (now Chiwundura Communal Land) has been presented by Thiessen (1974, 1976) related to these restrictions on dambo gardens. Prior to the implementation of the N L H A reforms in this T T L in 1956 the allocation of dambo land was controlled by local tribal leaders. Thereafter, the demarcation and authorisation of dambo gardens were regulated by agricultural staff. Various warnings were issued against farmers contravening legislation through 'illegal' extensions of their gardens. In particular, in 1969 prohibition orders were issued on 31,6 ha (78 acres) out of a total of 283,7 ha (701 acres) of dambo gardens affecting some 65% of individual gardens and 420 families (Thiessen 1974). In the process many families lost up to half of their garden land and 46 families were left without gardens. Typically, the land removed from cultivation was the best land in terms of fertility and moisture status, greatly reducing the production of dry season vegetables and early summer maize. Insofar as there was a close correlation between the economic wellbeing and nutritional status of families and access to dambo gardens (i.e. families with gardens were better off than those without gardens), moves against wetland cultivation were resented strongly by peasant farmers. They were seen as another symbol of colonial repression to further impoverish rural African life. Not surprisingly, there was less willingness to heed the advice of extension staff involved in restriction on cultivation of dambos. Consequently, the wetland issue had wider negative repurcussions on conservation within Que Que T T L and other q-TL's where action was taken to limit the extent of dambo gardens (Whitlow 1989). During the 1960's increased pressures were placed upon land within the T T L ' s especially the dambos. Firstly, between the 1962 and 1969 censuses the T T L population increased by nearly one million to reach 2,9 million by 1969 (Zinyama and Whitlow 1986), greatly increasing the congestion in already densely settled areas. Second-
GeoJournal 20.3/1990
ly, with the lifting of the N L H A restrictions on access to arable land, there was widespread encroachment of cultivation into dryland grazing areas as well as extension of dambo gardens. Thirdly, with the cessation of destocking in 1962 the cattle population in the TTL's increased by over 470 000 animals to reach some 2,5 million by 1969. Thus more and more livestock were having to be supported on a diminishing area of grazing land, with cattle confined increasingly and for longer periods to grazing within dambos. Problems were compounded by poor rains throughout the 1960's, placing additional stress upon the plant cover within darnbos (Whitlow 1989). Apart from depletion of vegetation, many dambos were subject to the initiation of gullies during the 1960's. The 1970's saw the spread and intensification of civil war initiated with localised guerilla incursions in 1966. The T I L ' s bore the brunt of this war. Farming activities were disrupted and conservation works neglected, especially with the gradual withdrawal of extension staff as security conditions deteriorated. Grazing schemes initiated in the late 1960's collapsed and destruction of dip tanks resulted in increased incidence of tick-borne diseases in many TTL's. One effect of the war was an influx of refugees into urban centres. In the face of increasing unemployment and poverty, many African families understock cultivation of plots within urban commonages, mainly dambo areas unsuitable for building. Growing vegetables in 'allotment gardens' was one way of obtaining food for home consumption or sale. Locally, this cultivation did give rise to problems where plots bordered streams, but generally there was very limited erosion associated with this activity (Mazambani 1982). Although NRB reports throughour the 1970's frequently mentioned the illegal and destructive cultivation of dambos within urban areas and TTL's, little or no action was taken to curb such cultivation. In its first post-independence annual report the NRB expressed its growing concern over the "large scale uncontrolled cultivation of wet areas, streambanks and even water courses" (NRB, 1980/81, p. 1) within both urban areas and Communal Lands (formerly TTL's). Surprisingly, in view of the sensitive nature of wetland cultivation by peasant farmers and the urban poor, the socialist African government and municipal authorities have taken a hard line on dambo cropping enforcing 'colonial legislation' more strictly, in some cases, than occurred in the past. For example, many urban dambo gardens have been abandoned since the early 1980's. Only co-operative groups are, in theory, allowed access to commonage land. Individual plots are not tolerated, especially those near fiver banks where periodically municipal workers have been ordered to destroy growing crops. The widespread deterioration of dambos, associated primarily with heavy grazing more of less throughout the year as access to dryland grazing decreased, continued during the 1970's and 1980's. Somewhat higher rainfall, with more frequent intensive storms, characterised the
GeoJournal 20.3/1990
1970's contributing towards rapid extension of dambo gullies at this time (Whitlow 1989). Since independence an externally-funded study on small-scale irrigation within dambos has been carried out giving guidelines on safe use and conservation of wetlands (Dambo Research Unit, 1987). However, there is a large element of doubt amongst extension staff concerning the implementation of these guidelines. This is not unexpected given the past experience of wetland cropping in the peasant farming areas, the present degraded state of darnbo and the fact that prohibitive legislation on wetlands has not, to date, been repealed or modified. Consequently, as in the commercial farming areas, the situation in the Communal Lands is one where farmers are keen to make more intensive use of dambos but receive little or no support (and sometimes active discouragement) from agricultural extension and research services. However, whereas dambos on commercial farms are well-vegetated and affected by only localised erosion, those in the Communal Lands are extensively denuded, with locally serious erosion in the form of deep, active gullies.
Conclusion
It is apparent from this review of archival sources related to the use and erosion of dambos in Zimbabwe that the conservation pathways of the two main farming systems were somewhat different. However, one can recognise a number of linkages between the commercial and peasant farming sectors. Firstly, there was the carry-over of dambo control legislation, enacted in response to erosion on commercial farming areas in the early 1900's, into the commercial farming areas. This was done without any real consideration of the importance of darnbo cultivation or the actual state of the dambos within the reserves. Secondly, although native agriculture was administered separately during much of the colonial period, it is likely that those involved with peasant farming (e.g. E . D . Alvord and his senior European staff) were aware, via professional contacts and agricultural literature (e.g. Rhodesia Agricultural Journal), of the mounting evidence against drainage and winter cropping of dambos on commercial farms and the trend towards the deliberate conservation of wetlands. However, it is difficult to determine precisely how this might have affected official responses to darnbos in the communal farming areas. Thirdly, there was the involvement of Conex (1963-69) and the NRB, organisations primarily c o n -
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cerned with European farming, in conservation problems within the reserves. Both organisations were strong supporters of conservation of darnbos and were opposed to wetland cultivation. As noted in this paper, their efforts to promote conservation within the reserves in many cases evoked negative responses from peasant farmers, especially those forced to relinguish their dambo gardens. Ironically organisations established to promote conservation may have caused more harm than good! Fourthly, following Zimbabwe's independence (1980) the extension services for commercial and peasant agriculture were amalgamated to form Agritex. Initially senior posts in this organisation were dominated by former Conex personnel. As a result, the notion that dambos should not be cultivated but conserved has been perpetuated. It is unlikely that this attitude is going to change within the forseeable future, despite the case put forward recently by the D a m b o Research Unit (1987) to reassess the cultivation of wetlands. Clearly, therefore, the use and conservation of dambos have not been pursued in complete isolation within the two main farming systems. In response to the general questions of how the present patterns of use and erosion of dambos arose and the reactions of farmers and the state, one can give a summary as follows. Firstly, the problems arose for different reasons within the commercial and peasant farming systems given the contrasting political and socio-economic circumstances affecting these systems in the past. Secondly, dambo gullying was a serious problem on commercial farms in the period prior to 1950 due to crude drainage methods and prolonged winter cropping. Thereafter, as farmers became more conscious of erosion hazards and official policy discouraged cultivation, so dambo conservation became established and erosion more or less ceased to be a problem. Thirdly, prior to 1950 traditional cultivation in darnbos within communal farming areas caused limited erosion, but thereafter there was greater official pressure to cease cultivation within dambos. As grazing pressures increased, with more prolonged use of dambos throughout the year, so problems of denudation and erosion, including gullying, became more widespread. In assessing the status of wetlands in Zimbabwe, it is hoped that this paper has demonstrated the value of a historical perspective on land use and conservation problems and the need to examine a wide range of political, socio-economic and environmental factors. In this respect geographers are well-placed to carry out more integrated studies which approximate more closely! to reality and which, as a result, are of greater value than specialist investigations in resolving land use problems.
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