J Agric Environ Ethics (2013) 26:601–619 DOI 10.1007/s10806-012-9424-9 ARTICLES

Empowering Women: A Labor Rights-Based Approach: Case Studies from East African Horticultural Farms Be´ne´dicte Brahic • Susie Jacobs

Accepted: 2 October 2012 / Published online: 1 November 2012  Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2012

Abstract This article discusses the hitherto little-studied question of women workers’ empowerment through access to labor rights in the east African export horticultural sector. It is based on the work carried out by Women Working Worldwide and its east African partners, drawing on primary research on cut-flower farms in Ethiopia, Tanzania, and Uganda. The focus in discussions of women’s empowerment has tended to be on individual actors rather than collective strategies. We argue that strategies such as action research, education, organization and advocacy focusing on labor rights are effective in gendered empowerment and can bring positive change to women’s working lives on African farms, and beyond. Keywords Gender
Labor
East Africa
Empowerment
Horticulture
Trade unions

Introduction This article explores empowerment strategies focusing on women workers’ access to labor rights within East African export horticulture. The question of empowerment in the context of labor rights has received relatively little attention. The article discusses the work conducted by Women Working Worldwide (WWW) and its partners on cut flower farms in Ethiopia, Tanzania and Uganda. It posits that women, empowered individually and organised collectively, can act as ‘‘a force for change’’ within globalized industry. Women Working Worldwide is a UK-based NGO promoting women’s rights in global value chains. This paper discusses its work across two projects, in collaboration with east African labor organizations and trade unions in the B. Brahic (&)
S. Jacobs Manchester Metropolitan University, Manchester M15 6LL, UK e-mail: [email protected]

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horticulture sector. The data discussed are based on quantitative indicators and on exploration of women’s narratives. They explore the development of labor rightsbased strategies which also attend to women’s specific needs. The article is divided into six sections. The first reviews some key issues concerning discussions of empowerment. The second outlines core methodological considerations informing the work of WWW and its partners and discusses the sample used in the research. The ‘‘Background Information on Export Agribusiness and Farms in East Africa’’ section assesses the background employment situation on farms. ‘‘Empowering Women Workers Through Labor Rights’’ section explores strategies of empowerment. The ‘‘Limitations and Challenges’’ section discusses some challenges to and limitations of interventions. Finally, the conclusion returns to the question of ‘‘empowerment’’ in light of the organizing strategies discussed here.

‘‘Empowerment’’ Meanings, Discourses: The Individual and the Collective We argue that there is a need to refocus discussions of and debates about women’s ‘‘empowerment’’ beyond a sometimes excessive focus on the individual level. We use the example of labor organization on African farms as indicative of benefits of collective and labor-oriented approaches. Whereas contemporary uses of ‘‘empowerment’’ often refer to the individual or social ‘‘actor’’ level, stressing the need for self-confidence and ability to make decisions, feminist uses of the term have also stressed the importance of collective empowerment. The latter emphasize wider levels of analysis including the socio-economic and political, as well as strategies based on groups and organizations. We seek not to counterpoise these different levels, but to stress necessary interconnections. Empowerment is a much-used term; indeed some argue that it has been overused (Stromqvist 2002) or turned into a ‘‘buzzword’’ without clear meaning. Others see this as a source of richness (Kabeer 1999 cited in Khader 2011). Within this section we first explore several definitions and meanings of ‘‘empowerment’’ of women. We then briefly trace the trajectory of usage of and discourses on the term, relating this to wider political changes. Meanings/Definitions of ‘‘Empowerment’’ An early use of the term ‘‘empowerment’’ was within materialist feminist writing: Sen and Grown (1988) offered a vision of empowerment rooted in commitment to collective action arising out of issues facing women and men in the global South (Parpart et al. 2003: 10). Women needed to become empowered to challenge both economic and gender-based (patriarchal) structures of inequality. Keller and Mbwene (1991, cited in Rowlands 1997) put forward a definition that has become well-known: Empowerment is a process whereby women become able to organise themselves and to increase their own self-reliance, to assert their own

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independent right to make choices and to control resources which will assist in challenging and eliminating their own subordination. (Rowlands 1997: 17) This stresses the need for individual choices, but also the more general background—e.g., lack of control over resources. Naila Kabeer discussed forms of empowerment in Reversed Realities (Kabeer 1994; also 1999). This was taken up by Townsend et al. (1999), who distinguish four forms of power. 1. 2. 3.

4.

‘‘power over’’: i.e., force or coercion, ‘‘power from within’’: feelings of self-confidence, ability, and self-worth, which are frequently cited as necessary for social action, including cooperation. ‘‘power with’’: power to organize with other people; to cooperate to achieve mutual goals. ‘Power with’ can also lay the groundwork for women’s participation in decision-making. ‘‘power to’’: power to act, including social action. ‘‘Power to’’ includes the ability to mobilize for social change.

Although categories describing empowerment should never be seen as exhaustive or complete (Mosedale 2005), we find this typology of much use in considering WWW’s approaches to gendered labor organization. (see later sections) It is also notable that all definitions and discussions of forms of empowerment make some reference both to individual social actors, including emotional factors, as well as to group and wider levels. That is, these levels are not seen as opposed but as intrinsically linked. Trajectories of Discussion of Empowerment Despite the early emphasis on women’s empowerment as a collective process, the term ‘‘empowerment’’ has often come to be associated with individual action and particularly, the need for self-confidence and self-esteem. This is to some extent a helpful acknowledgement that women’s subordination often results in loss of feelings of self-worth, both harming women themselves and making social action more difficult to achieve. The growth of the Gender and Development discourse (approximately mid-1980s on-) emphasized empowerment, usually implying links with local, grassroots action. However, this was also an era in which a shift away from state-centric approaches—viewed as ‘‘top-down’’—was evident. This went along with reduction in state expenditure and the turn to neoliberal economic strategies, not least in Africa. These processes in turn imply weakening of labor rights and labor organizations. NGOs, including many committed to gender-equitable approaches, mushroomed—sometimes, stepping into gaps left by reductions in state funding. At the same time, initiatives concentrating on microfinance also grew up. The World Bank (Robinson 2002) saw microfinance as a way to empower women. The development of micro-credit has been extensively discussed as one of the key strategies of gender empowerment. Indeed, the term ‘‘empowerment’’ sometimes

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became collapsed in practice into ‘‘income-generation’’—e.g., savings clubs; income-raising initiatives and small businesses (Mayoux 2002; Rogaly 1996). The above strategies constitute important initiatives to improve poor women’s lives and livelihoods. The point here is to emphasize that there has at times been a distancing from the historical emphasis on collective and wider empowerment. Stromqvist (2003) writes of this as an ‘‘appropriation’’ of empowerment by development agencies. More recently, however, there has been a (partial) turning to [or a re-turn to] emphasis on empowerment on wider levels. Some NGOs continue to stress collective aspects of empowerment: e.g., producer cooperatives, water sharing committees as well as savings clubs (Action Aid et al. 2012). Another shift is in discussions of ‘‘legal empowerment’’ with an emphasis on the need for legal change as well as legal education. Although legal empowerment is necessarily in part a ‘‘top-down’’ approach, some argue that it can be consultative and actor-led (Banik 2008). The quotation above of course assumes that ‘‘legal rights’’ already exist; in fact in contemporary circumstances, rights such as free association and the right to form trade unions often have to be established. However, stress on legal empowerment is welcome. It necessarily involves both state and local levels that in turn often set a wider ‘frame’ for gendered rights. Gender bias must be challenged not only in everyday life but at wider levels (Elson 1995), including the legal realm. Despite the partial re-turn to discussions of collective empowerment and the import of wider social/economic processes, there exists relatively little discussion of women in context of labor organizations within ‘‘empowerment’’ literature. To some extent, this is because of a history of discrimination against women in trade unions (Munro 1999). However, in response to the growth of women’s employment, many trade unions have responded not only by organizing women as members, but by emphasizing gendered aspects of employment (e.g., maternity leave). In the global South, see, for instance, Stephen 1993 on Chilean Seasonal Workers Union; Selwyn 2009, on successful organization of women in northeast Brazilian agricultural unions. These examples, and those from east Africa presented here, indicate that some labor organizations have been able to respond to the fact that their constituencies have altered and that new, gender aware forms of labor organizing must be developed.

Research Methodology In order to contextualize the research discussed, we give a brief overview of the work carried out by WWW. Founded in 1983, WWW is a UK-based organization that works in partnership with other NGOs, trade unions and solidarity networks to women workers’ rights. WWW works along product supply chains; its principal aim is to build the capacity of women workers themselves to negotiate with employers. Its current partners—to whom this article refers—include the Tanzania Plantation

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and Agricultural Workers Union (TPAWU 2005), the National Federation of Farm Plantation Fishery and Agro-Industry Trade Unions (NFFPFATU) (2010) in Ethiopia, as well as the Uganda Workers’ Education Association (UWEA), a labor organization which works closely with trade unions. The two programs discussed here were entitled Promoting Women Workers’ Rights in African Horticulture (2005–2007) and ‘‘Developing Strategies for Change for Women in African Horticulture’’ (2008–2011). The projects aimed, first, to collate up-to-date data mapping local realities and identifying important issues. Secondly, they aimed to use the data collected to support and inform education, organizing and advocacy strategies. This section briefly outlines the principles of action research before it details the specific research methods used. Action research differs from other methodologies in that the research questions are influenced by the stakeholders as the research process unfolds, rather than being set solely by the researcher before she begins fieldwork (Cornwall and Jenkes 1995). The participants’ interest in the outcome of research can result in the establishment of a more mutual relationship with researchers, and this in turn, can have a positive impact on the quality of data generated (Reason and Bradbury 2001). ‘‘Action research is conducted with an eye to both knowledge and action: the knowledge is generated because it is needed to assist in changing the world in some way’’ (Wills and Hurley 2005: 71). Action research combines research, education and social action (Hale 1996). Thus, three overlapping processes can be identified: 1. 2. 3.

an initial research phase: research and data collection, and baseline research; training and education; advocacy strategies: e.g., labor organization, networking, campaigning and policy-making, gender-specific initiatives.

The preliminary research carried out within the projects combined quantitative and qualitative methods. Although there were slight variations among the three partner organizations concerning methodology, all employed carefully-structured research methods. The first research phase included, first, a structured questionnaire administered to a large sample of workers and focusing on work conditions, employment contracts, health and safety at work, pay and gender gaps in employment as well as maternity provision. This was followed by qualitative interviews with a selection of (mainly) female workers lasting between 30 and 75 min. These provided in-depth information concerning women’s experiences on farms. Female and male key informants were also interviewed on most farms. Finally, focus groups were carried out with stakeholders such as farm managers and supervisors, HR personnel and shop stewards. During the two programs, a total number of 891 workers on 38 farms in the three countries were contacted; the sample included 625 women. Fifteen farms were included in the sample in Ethiopia; 12 in Tanzania and 11 in Uganda. By country: 384 Ethiopian workers, including 269 women, were interviewed as well as 15 farm managers and 19 key informants, including local government labor officials and local residents. In Tanzania, a total of 240 respondents were interviewed. Among them were 104 women and 53 male workers, 48 TPAWU branch officials (27 women) including Women Workers Committee (WWCs) members and 14 women

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managers. Other respondents were from the national horticultural association and the Arusha Regional Authority. In Uganda, 350 workers, including 253 women, were interviewed. Additionally, 17 farm managers (3, female); two women union officers, and others including ministry officials and men and women from surrounding communities, were interviewed. It is important to acknowledge the fact that both authors are closely involved with Women Working Worldwide – Susie Jacobs has been a member of WWW’s management committee and Be´ne´dicte Brahic, in her research officer capacity. Whilst the authors are supportive of the work of WWW and ‘‘believe’’ in its missions and objectives, they are aware of the necessity critically to evaluate the work carried out in order to ensure its effectiveness and relevance. Furthermore, the logic of action research at the core of WWW’s vision/work itself fosters a reflexive and critical perspective present throughout the design and implementation of programs. In addition to this internal dynamic of self-evaluation, funding bodies financing the organization’s interventions require WWW and its partners to report on their activities. Continuous monitoring ensures that agreed strategies and objectives are being implemented; it evaluates effectiveness and potentially enables WWW and partners to adjust or to rectify the nature or extent of interventions. Finally, at the end of programs, funding bodies require an external evaluation report to monitor the quality and impact of the work carried out. As for other NGOs, these are critical for WWW and help to ensure the high quality and appropriateness both of research (action research) and of any interventions. Thus, the figures cited and other impacts of action research have had independent verification. Both internal and external factors, then, contribute to a spirit and practice of self-evaluation and monitoring and help to combat any tendency to overestimate successes or to underestimate difficulties.

Background Information on Export Agribusiness and Farms in East Africa This section first presents background information on the export horticultural sector in east Africa. It then discusses conditions of work, and key challenges faced by workers. From the late 1980s, eastern Africa has successfully attracted foreign agribusiness investors. In the cut flower industry, roses and chrysanthemums make up about 80 % of flower exports (Mather et al. 2011). East African export agriculture had the political and financial support of national governments and international organizations provided a favourable environment for the development of export-oriented agriculture. ‘The industry grew (…) supported by government loans, subsidies and tax exemptions, as well as aid from the European Union, Dutch Government and USAID’ (Mather et al. 2011: 12). Relatively cheap fuel and airfreight, essential in the production of fresh goods for overseas markets also favored export strategies. The chief comparative advantage in attracting labor-intensive activities such as agribusiness, however, lies in cheap labor. Labuschagne (2008: 7) estimates that labor costs are only a fraction, about 10 %, of the equivalent wages in northern

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Europe. Mather et al. (2011) observe that, in 2008, Tanzania’s 21 horticultural farms brought US $140 million into the country, a huge increase since 2002. However, the global economic downturn has brought a series of challenges such as the rising cost of fuel and airfreight, fluctuation of currencies, reduction in loans, increased international competition and depressed consumer demand for luxury items, threatening the hitherto steady expansion in the cut flower sector. Industry-Specific Conditions The cut flower industry operates according to specific standards and requirements. Retailers strive to provide a broad range of fresh, attractive flowers in a timely manner. Industry-specific demands and risks are unevenly distributed among different stakeholders in the value chain (Barrientos 2001). Highly volatile and flexible purchasing practices (UWEA 2011b TPAWU 2011) mean that costs are passed on in the first instance, to producers, who in turn offset costs onto workers. A result is wide fluctuations in hours worked: workers often reported working long hours to satisfy the demands of retailers particularly at peak times such as Valentine’s Day. As with other ‘‘post-Fordist’’ production, working hours can vary with little warning. Overtime was often poorly recorded and therefore not rewarded adequately if paid at all (WWW 2007). ‘‘Ursula’s’’ testimony underlines the interrelation between long hours of manual work, health and safety issues and reproductive health. I was pregnant and on the day we were asked to stay on the farm to do overtime I started getting signs of childbirth (water discharge). I reported the matter to my supervisor who refused to listen and even when I went to the Human Resource Manager nothing was done.I was instead told to go back and work. Labor pains started while I was still at the farm and reaching home was very difficult for me. Fellow workers helped to carry me home where I delivered but by the time of delivery the baby had died. (UWEA 2010: 5) A specificity of export horticulture is the extensive use of pesticides and other chemicals, often sprayed within confined spaces (Barrientos 2007). At the onset of the project, health and safety procedures in relation to the handling of pesticides and chemicals were often negligent: workers particularly lamented the lack of protective clothing, especially for pregnant women. Lack of Personal Protective Equipment (PPE) or their state of wear and tear as well as disregard of re-entry times after spraying of chemicals in greenhouses, were the two most blatant illustrations of unsafe working conditions. Such practices resulted in skin rashes, blindness, cancer, or in miscarriages (UWEA 2011c). Gendered Conditions of Employment: Between Casualization and Underpaid Work The East African horticulture sector has typically relied on casual labor, low wages, and female labor.

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Casual labor, including part-time, temporary and seasonal work, helps to meet demands of ‘‘just in time’’ production (Kumar 1995). For example, during the 1990s the use of casual labor on Tanzanian farms producing fruit, vegetables and flowers averaged at around 86 % (WWW 2007). In the mid-2000s when the projects began, the majority of the workforce operated on a casual basis with only a limited proportion of the staff benefiting from permanent work contracts. Casual work may – often does – mean that the terms of employment are unclear. Casualization also means that non-permanent workers have little or no access to employment benefits. As ‘‘Bishara,’’ a casual worker contacted by TPAWU (2006: 1), testified, As a non-permanent worker I have no regular employment. I am paid lowly and the amount of wages differs from time to time. I do not get paid during holiday or Sundays and also during my absence to work due to sickness. I do not have the right to paid maternity leave and the right to paid sick leave. I do not expect any terminal benefits when leave employment and I am not covered by any social security. I have not complained in fear of losing my job….. Such conditions are very similar across farms, and mean that casual workers were systematically at a disadvantage in terms of disposable income. Lower income levels are not only derived from less regular employment but also stemmed from hidden costs associated with the lack of access to employment benefits. Lack of payment for leave and hourly rates of pay (not including weekends) as well as discriminatory rates of pay vis-a`-vis ‘‘regular’’ workers impact negatively on casual workers’ income levels. They were also excluded from opportunities for promotion. Low wages were endemic across the sector, keeping workers in a state of working poverty. Consultations revealed that salary levels were found to be much lower than was necessary to sustain a decent living standard for workers. In 2007, in Tanzania, most workers were paid between 28,000 and 58,000 Tanzanian Shillings (US $24–50) per month (WWW 2007)—35,000 Shillings (US $30) being the minimum rural wage that year (TPAWU 2007). Lack of Access to Basic Services In addition to the issues linked to employment conditions, research revealed a widespread lack of access to basic facilities on farms monitored. Medical facilities, for instance, were limited. Another central concern for farm workers was the lack of access to drinking water. Women frequently mentioned lack of toilet facilities, or of suitable [clean, accessible] toilet facilities. Some workers reported they had to walk for more than 20 min to reach toilets. Failure to provide segregated toilets was an additional concern for women workers, who felt unsafe in unisex places where they lacked privacy. Gender-Specific Issues The issues highlighted above may concern both male and female workers. Women workers, who represent the majority of the workforce (71 % in Ethiopia, 60 % in Tanzania and 60 % in Uganda, NFFPFATU 2010; WWW 2007) face gender-

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specific issues linked to women’s reproductive work (most workers were aged under 35) and the prevalence of a patriarchal and sometimes violent system of gender relations in their day-to-day life within communities and workplaces. First, the research emphasized the well-known situation of women’s dual roles, carrying out both ‘‘productive’’ and ‘‘reproductive’’ (usually, unpaid) labor. This was not acknowledged by employers. Some reported feeling wary of becoming pregnant as the lack of paid maternity leave had major financial implications, particularly for single mothers. Moreover, in many instances, pregnancies led to termination of employment. Pregnant women were not usually allocated lighter tasks and/or breaks and so sometimes had to give up work. For workers with babies, no breastfeeding time was allowed. The lack of provision in relation to women’ reproductive work had severe consequences. Workers interviewed reported cases of miscarriages, ill heath for babies and mothers as well as infant deaths resulting from arduous work conditions. Roles and responsibilities in the farms are based on gendered physical, mental and behavioral assumptions of capabilities, i.e., women are not assigned ‘‘men’s work’’ such as construction, lorry driving, mechanics, spraying etc. (WWW 2007). As a result, the majority of women are confined to low paid ‘‘women’s jobs,’’ which (despite requiring meticulous and focused work) are regarded as unskilled (Phillips 1980). Promotions were seldom offered to women, who are particularly unlikely to gain managerial positions. Some employers indicated that women workers were preferred to men as they were perceived as ‘‘obedient,’’ ’’careful,’’ ‘‘industrious.’’ They were deemed to ‘‘have little complaints’ and to be less ‘aggressive’ than men, especially in negotiating for their rights. Additionally, many women reported harsh treatment in the workplace—e.g., managers shouting at workers, or using abusive language. Sexual abuse and harassment was more difficult to discuss but was reportedly widespread. For instance, in a Ugandan survey, over half of respondents had heard a woman complaining of sexual harassment; male supervisors were often the culprits (WWW 2007: 22). In Tanzania, 48 % of women on farms monitored said that they were aware of harassment on farms (ibid.) However, complaints procedures were not commonly in place and most cases were left unreported.

Empowering Women Workers Through Labor Rights In this section we review the potential for empowerment of labor rights -based approaches. We employ the classification used in Townsend et al. (1999): ‘‘power from within’’; ‘’’power with’’ and ‘‘power to,’’ as we have found this illuminating in discussing the data from interviews with women workers. The section is organized as follows. The first sub-section discusses the need to voice issues as a first step in empowerment. The second discusses union organization and gender-specific initiatives within this—Women’s Committees within trade unions, and initiatives to increase women’s union leadership. These are examples of empowerment through working with others. The third section discusses two outcomes resulting from WWW and its partners’ advocacy and campaigning

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strategies: signing of Collective Bargaining Agreements, with implication for many women’s working conditions, and secondly, initiatives to tackle the issue of violence and harassment on farms. Strategy i.—‘‘Power Within’’: Action Research and Voicing Issues as a First Step in the Empowerment Process Individual Empowerment WWW and its partners in Ethiopia, Tanzania and Uganda use action research as a means to collect information but also as a first step towards workers’ empowerment. In the initial stages of a project, women workers gain self-esteem and confidence. Action research gives a voice to women workers who have hitherto been undermined or silenced. Reflecting on the outcomes of the program, ‘‘Zeina,’’ an Ethiopian farm worker, highlights how growing awareness has been a step towards belief that change was possible: I am 39 years old and I grew up in plantations my whole life and so did my family. But I have never heard of or witnessed such training in my life before. Nobody was concerned about raising our level of awareness on these issues before. ((FfE) 2009: 6–7) Women workers’ perspectives about themselves and the roles they play start shifting when they realise that they may be listened to. Thus far unchallenged perceptions of Self and one’s lifeworld are being questioned. They begin to develop a collective narrative by acknowledging the commonalities of their work and life experiences—as well as their differences. In other words, the action research process helps to build change ‘‘from within.’’ Education and Training Education and training are important for confidence and to begin to build a collective narrative. Discussion of labor rights with workers was an important aspect of the projects. Strategies focusing on education also included the ‘‘training of trainers’’—that is, educating women workers who volunteer to take roles spreading awareness of the need for collective organization. With ‘‘training of trainers,’’ more women have knowledge of rights and so can speak up more readily. This also lays a basis for further organization to extend rights and claims. This strategy helps to ensure the sustainability of the strategy beyond the project itself. Trainers can also become role models who inspire others to take action. When women are able to speak out and to acknowledge the shared nature of many problems, they may begin to think more collectively. The education and consultation phases of action research also help enable women to identify and to name constraints that some took for granted earlier. African partners’ research highlighted how gender subordination of women had remained largely unchallenged by women themselves. Amoding (2011), for instance, argues that women’s subordinate position in Ugandan society is to be understood in conjunction with low

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levels of education fostering conservative attitudes and the entrenchment of discriminatory beliefs. The questions raised in the research phase of the programs led women workers to question and challenge the status quo. The attitude of management towards female workers and towards the workers as pregnant women or mothers; the existence of ‘‘male’’ and ‘‘female’’ jobs and the lack of access to promotion for women workers were framed as key employment issues by women workers – as was the issue of sexual harassment. Thus, sharing of experiences sometimes creates a momentum that can be channeled into increasing the presence of labor organizations. Strategy ii. ‘‘Power With’’: Organization of Women Workers A second strategy focused on collective organization. These concentrated not only on increasing trade union membership and effectiveness but also on increasing women’s voices and leadership within union structures. Broadly, these initiatives correspond to the category, empowerment as ‘‘power with’’: i.e., to act with others. Increased Unionization Rates There sometimes existed impediments in gaining access to farms (see below). It is important to note that national laws recognizing collective bargaining served as crucial underpinnings in some cases. In Uganda, the Employment Act and Trade Unions Act (both, 2006) meant that trade unions had access to farms; this underlines the significance of the legal sphere. In other words, ‘‘empowerment’’ requires structural underpinnings. Once access was gained, partner organizations were able to work to increase union membership. Increased unionization rates can be read as an indicator of transition from atomization to formation of a collective body. By the end of the programs in 2011, union membership soared on the farms monitored: ‘‘In all three countries, there was no union membership on some farms, with this changing to 100 % membership by the end of the project in Uganda, and [rose] significantly in Tanzania and Ethiopia by the end of the project’’ (Odete 2011: 10). ‘‘Mugisa,’’ a Ugandan worker, noted the benefits of organization on the farm. The union has now grown in this place because union membership has greatly increased. Before UWEA came to train us, the union that had only eight members was not respected and recognized but now it has risen up to more than a thousand members. We also now have grievance handling procedure and a union branch office where our Branch Secretary sits full time to handle our problems……. (UWEA 2011a: 16–17) Gender-Specific Strategies to Address Gender-Specific Issues: Women Workers’ Committees The African partners and WWW were mindful that trade union organizations can be male-dominated and have not always fully represented women’s views and needs.

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Therefore, a central strategy to enable women workers to voice their gender-specific concerns and to take collective action lies with the creation of WWCs. WWCs provide a space for women workers to discuss their concerns. As the following testimonies suggest, WWCs proved particularly effective at raising gender as well as wider issues. ‘‘Kyagaza,’’ a Ugandan worker, said, (UWEA 2011a: 16) A Woman’s Committee has been formed. Before the project began, women had no voice especially when it came to issues which were private like being in menstruation period and backache as a result of bending long hours. Now we get at least one packet of sanitary pads a month and we are free to address our issues….. It is particularly notable that WWCs have been enshrined in some union structures, such as TPAWU’s (Mosha 2011). WWCs assist women workers to reflect on their experiences. As Akello, a Ugandan organizer puts it: ‘‘Women’s Committees are the only major way women can discuss, dissect and articulate their issues without being overshadowed by the men… (Mather et al. 2011: 102). The development of WWCs in terms of their number, size, their institutional recognition by unions and their influence in decision-making processes have been crucial in representing women workers in negotiations. They have also been instrumental in the emergence of female union leaders. Developing Women’s Leadership WWW and partners encouraged the development of women trade unionists, and the number of female union leaders has increased markedly. In Tanzania the number of female leaders on farms rose by 38 % from 86 to 119 between 2006 and 2010, whilst the number of women in top union positions, although still low, doubled over the same period, with four women chairpersons and four women branch secretaries in 2010 (Odete 2011: 13). Although the development of female leadership was less marked in Ethiopia and Uganda, women workers’ attitudes have changed.‘‘Kyagaza’’ continued, …Training of the union leaders: the training has helped the union leaders a lot, before the training they didn’t know about their rights and how to go about with the union issues…..Now, we, the female workers want even to contest for higher offices at the union headquarters…. (UWEA, 2011a: 16) Strategy iii.—‘‘Power to’’: Advocacy and Results of Action Advocacy is the third strategy emphasized by WWW’s remit; it concerns the ability to influence and to help formulate policies that address women’s subordination at work and beyond. Here we concentrate on two such (policy) initiatives: implementation of Collective Bargaining Agreements (CBAs) and addressing the issue of widespread sexual harassment and abuse on farms. These could be seen as examples of ‘‘power to’’: the power to act in the world and to alter the gendered balance of power.

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Women Workers Represent Themselves at the Negotiating Table: The Example of CBAs The signing of Collective Bargaining Agreements have been crucial in improving labor conditions, and in particular, in curtailing the trend towards casualization that so often defines women’s paid work. As Dickens (2000) argues, the negotiation of CBAs has been a major instrument in implementing more gender-friendly conditions at work. It is important to note that WWCs in particular often played key roles in negotiation processes leading to the signing of CBAs, and in putting forward issues of importance to women (Mosha 2011). One of the main aims of CBAs, which can be far-reaching agreements, is to ‘‘regularize’’ conditions of employment for the large numbers of casually-employed workers on farms. Without formal contracts, any other benefits of CBAs are likely to bypass those most in need. ‘‘Celeste,’’ now a union branch secretary on a Ugandan farm, praised the effects of the CBA in securing better and more permanent working conditions for women: I am now a permanent worker and no longer have to worry about losing my job, thanks to the signing of the joint CBA….Termination benefits are now paid to workers – I am proud to have participated in the CBA …. All workers now who complete 6 months’ probationary period are transferred to permanent terms. Women now in my farm go for 60 days’ paid maternity leave….And [the employer] now pays us yearly bonus. (UWEA 2011a: 15) Formalization of work contracts is a feminist issue—and one underpinning ‘‘empowerment.’’ Thus, signing of legally-binding CBAs have been a major instrument in implementing changes in health and safety conditions. ‘‘Hellen’’ from Uganda, said, We now have a CBA which was signed in order to improve our terms and conditions of service. There’s an improvement in the Personal Protective equipments for both men and women, the sprayers have got good spraying suits, helmets, filters, etc. Women have gloves for harvesting and gumboots plus aprons and coat, etc. Workers are now aware about occupational health and safety hazards, unlike before…. (UWEA 2009: 23) Changes in practice concerning maternity leave and conditions for new mothers were also notable. On a Tanzanian farm, for instance, a CBA clause states: ‘‘Female employees should avoid reproductive health risks; pregnant women are excluded from work which involves contact with pesticides and other chemicals; nursing mothers are allowed an hour for this purpose for the period of the first 12 months.’’ (TPAWU 2007: 55). Collective Bargaining Agreements have also helped ensure farm managements’ compliance with national labor laws. In Uganda, the signing of the sectoral CBA in August 2010 has meant that all farms in the sector are now covered by [anti-] harsh treatment, equal opportunities and sexual harassment policies.

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Sexual Harassment, Violence, and Women Workers As noted above, sexual harassment was seen to be widespread on farms and procedures to report harassment were lacking; most women were unaware of relevant procedures. Discussion of sexual harassment in rural east African settings, while not totally taboo, remains largely hidden. A sense of shame and stigma combined with lack of procedures, lack of information and fear of losing employment means that most cases are left unreported. As in many societies, those targeted or ‘‘victimized’’ often suffer stigma or shame, whilst perpetrators escape legal accountability. Women Working Worldwide and its partners have attempted to make some inroads concerning procedures and policies on harassment on farms and have raised issues of sexual coercion and harassment at work, whether by managers or other workers, as legitimate trade union issues. This in itself is an achievement and has meant that more women are reporting incidents of harassment and/or sexual violence. Accounts from two Ugandan women union organizers indicate both some progress but also continuing reporting issues and stigma. ‘‘Sarah,’’ discussing the effects of CBAs, added: ‘‘Sexual harassment has considerably reduced, although [it] still exists among the lower cadre staff who still have some fear or feel shy to report the cases to management or to the unions.’’ (UWEA 2007: 1) Henrietta noted: ‘‘With the CBA, women can now address problems of sexual harassment, apart from some who fear to be stigmatized’’ (Marix-Evans 2011: 15). As with other gender issues, WWCs have been crucial in raising harassment as an important topic and they have sometimes been able to provide a forum for discussion. For instance, the spokesperson of a Tanzanian WWC noted that the most serious issue faced by women was sexual harassment, including forced sex. ‘‘If harassed women know where to go for action, cases would be reduced…they were feeling bad but now feel safe and know how to report. We did sexual harassment training; men and women.’’ (Marix Evans 2011: 15). This underlines the importance of formal procedures and again, CBAs. Where CBAs have been enacted on the farms monitored they have usually included a clause concerning sexual harassment and procedures to report and to combat this. Several successful prosecutions of cases have taken place. ‘‘Fatma,’’ a Tanzanian organizer, stated: In 2007 we handled a case on sexual harassment and we arrived at a decision. We managed to fight the harasser until they were dismissed. After this event, we gained confidence and we are able to handle sexual harassment cases independently…. (TPAWU 2009: 14).

Limitations and Challenges As argued here, actions undertaken by WWW and its partners have resulted in positive changes in the lives of many women workers. However, action research and

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organizing poses challenges, and the lives of women, including those on east African farms, are complex. This section briefly reviews some issues in and limitations of strategies. First, awareness of labor rights, of the potential of collective action and of the benefits of union membership does not always translate into action. Women workers also constitute a heterogeneous group-people’s situations vary and affect the ways in which programs impact on individuals. Some women find it difficult to juggle roles at home and at work and lack time to attend meetings and to become involved. The majority of female agricultural workers are ‘‘alone’’—e.g., 47 % on Tanzanian farms (WWW 2007) and lack of time affects them particularly. Disabled women or those who suffer chronic illnesses face additional challenges and time constraints— and the unions are not yet established enough to deal with all circumstances or to implement an intersectional analysis. Others such as casual workers may fear that that union action could jeopardize their employment. Geographical or ethnic differences may also shape participation and inclusion. For instance, migrant workers, including women, may be seen as ‘‘outsiders’’ resulting in less inclusion. Still other workers may simply feel that unionization is outside their own concerns. Secondly, poor conditions continue, sometimes despite interventions. Those voiced most frequently were low wage levels, lack of maternity cover and sexual harassment. Persistently low wages remain, and striving for decent remuneration, remains the key priority for many. Where no CBAs exist, wages are simply what employers say they will pay. CBAs improve wage rates; nevertheless, low wages persist. For instance, one Ugandan survey indicated that workers earned USH50-80,000 per month (US$28–$46), far too little to meet basic needs (Mather et al. 2011; 34). One woman said ‘‘…Our salaries are too low. We cannot afford to rent good houses nor to feed our children well – good meals are a luxury to us’’ (Mather et al. 2011: 93). Lack of full maternity cover also persists. In Tanzania, where farms were not organized by TPAWU, they granted maternity leave only every 3 years. In Ethiopia, where CBAs often exist, only 42 % of women workers interviewed in 2010 said that they had been able to claim maternity leave cover (Mather et al. 2011: 39). Thirdly, other limitations and challenges limit the effectiveness of interventions. Some challenges are linked to the implementation of programs themselves. For instance, in the early stages of the project, east African partners faced extensive delays due to the hostility of some farm owners who refused access for research. This was particularly the case on Ugandan farms where initially, trade union representatives were not allowed onto farms, and had to organize secret meetings with intimidated workers. Other problems, however, have to do with ‘internal’ matters and these are generally harder to acknowledge. Strategies to promote female union leadership also faced obstacles. Although in theory welcomed by labor activists and male workers, in practice some organizers and unions did not welcome women in positions of power. Recruiting women willing or able to act as union representatives was sometimes challenging—due to the resistance noted above, to lack of time, and lack of confidence among potential recruits. Even more contentiously, despite WWW’s assumptions about the efficacy of female leadership, recorded outcomes have not so far evidenced clear links between women-friendly employment practices and the existence of women leaders

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(Comic Relief 2012). Thus, further research is needed to ascertain why this might be the case. Identification of obstacles faced by female leaders may be part of a solution—clearly, it is not sufficient to elect women: they require continued support and training until they are more established in leadership positions. The last set of questions are more general, having to do with the persistence of patriarchal structures, practices and beliefs which impact on women in the workplace and beyond. If women workers often welcome the interventions discussed here, they may also face resistance at home and in the wider community, apart from paid employment situations. Interconnections between women’s personal and working lives render the questions of women workers’ empowerment particularly complex. However, union organization forces WWW and its partners artificially to ‘‘separate’’ personal and working lives. In practice, this can result in some issues taking precedence over others. This is understandable to some extent: it is much more straightforward to implement measures such as use of PPEs, despite obstacles, than to tackle wider gender subordination—or even to implement concrete measures such as childcare, since this is deemed a household or community matter. However, this means that even where women gain strength at work, this faces serious limitations. Another issue concerns the widespread persistence of sexual harassment. Whereas CBAs concern concrete, often, legal, outcomes that can often be measured or monitored, evaluating progress on reduction of sexual harassment is more difficult. Rights not to be abused, violated or harassed sexually or otherwise at work, should be taken for granted, but the reality for many women differs. Redress for sexual harassment and violence is a crucial underpinning for women’s empowerment and ability to act autonomously. Women interviewed continued to stress the importance of tackling sexual harassment so that legal protection is put into practice. The work on sexual harassment is at an early stage, and both women workers and evaluators highlighted the need further to develop policies to combat harassment and violence (Mather et al. 2011). It is significant, nevertheless, that women’s views on the importance of this matter has been taken up by labor organizations.

Conclusions This article has reviewed strategies for women’s empowerment based on the labororganizing work of WWW, TPAWU, UWEA, and NFFPFATU. These strategies emphasize, first, listening to women, building confidence and raising awareness through the process of action research as well as education and training. This includes ‘‘training’’ volunteers to educate other women concerning labor and gender issues and any rights they have. A second set of strategies concern labor organizing itself—claiming rights of association, widening union membership and increasing union capacity. From this basis, WWW’s partners have supported strategies with long-term potential to undermine women’s subordination at work. We do not argue that labor organization is the sole way forward in terms of empowerment. This is for a number of reasons. Labor organization has as a main aim, organization of men and women as workers, as alluded to above. The unions and labor

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organizations, discussed here have been exemplary in recognizing differences between workers based on status of contracts—e.g., informal versus formally-employed workers and have lobbied effectively to curtail casualization. It is difficult however, for them to take account of all types of individual difference. Another issue, as noted, is that it is difficult for trade unions to represent all issues relating to gender equality: many aspects of inequality or subordination are based in the domestic sphere or else are manifest in society more widely. Autonomous women’s organizations and organizing remain crucial in order to raise and press women’s and feminist issues (Randall 1996). A symbiosis of gender and labor organizing is needed so that ‘women’s’ issues are not sidelined. It is important, however, to acknowledge the great changes that have taken place in gender awareness in many trade unions, including those in east African agribusiness settings. We have argued both that individual and collective empowerment should not be counterpoised as contradictory and that the collective meanings of women’s empowerment have been downplayed. As noted, individual and collective manifestations of empowerment are evident in most definitions of the term. With reference to WWW and its partners’ work, women had to gain enough self-belief before they could articulate and act on issues faced at work and beyond, and could work together with others. ‘‘Power from within’’ necessarily takes place at the individual level, although may also influence groups. Working with others can lay a basis for wider changes at work. The creation of better work conditions with raised visibility for women may, in turn, may influence perceptions of women’s worth and ability. Thus ‘‘power from within,’’ ‘‘power with,’’ and ‘‘power to’’ are interconnected and complementary processes. We also argue that rebalancing of the term ‘‘empowerment’’ to take account of collective action is needed. Although trade unions cannot address all issues, the examples offered indicate that labor organization potentially has a very wide remit, and can address a number of gender-related issues. It is important to note, too, how the wider ‘‘macro’’ level often frames individual capacities and actions. Thus, having stronger labor rights at work is likely to ‘‘spill over’’ into home and domestic arenas (see Walby 1997). More secure livelihoods also benefit women who are ‘alone’—as are many women horticultural workers— not only in economic terms but in terms of community status. Labor organization is likely to become increasingly important and necessary with the continued spread of export-oriented industry, including in agribusiness, and with the casualization of employment conditions that often accompanies (Pearson 2007). Much can be learned from the examples of gendered labor organizing in east African horticulture. Acknowledgments Be´ne´dicte Brahic and Susie Jacobs would like to thank Melanie Plank for her kind help in carrying out the literature search.

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