KAREN HORNEY ON FEMININE PSYCHOLOGY HAROLD KELMAN

"]['N THE "PosTscRIrT" (1935) to "An Auto&biographical Study written in 1925, Freud stated that he was "At the very climax of my psychoanalytic work, in 1912." He added that "since I put forward my hypothesis of the existence of two kinds of instinct (Eros and the death instinct) and since I proposed a division of the mental personality into an ego, a super-ego, and an id (in 1923), I have made no further decisive contributiorls to psychoanalysis." " I Between 1912 and 1923,: Horliey"?eceived d~mpleted hef~sy&iatric~,d~ p~ctCd~a .~t~f

ahead of her, Freud was feeling that the peak of his greatest creative powers had been reached and passed. This evaluation, in 1935, could have been contributed to by his life and work being "no longer in freedom from pain" since 1923, when "a malignant disease ''1 was discovered. Compared to The Interpretation o~ Dreams (1900), which appeared when he was forty-four, what followed would seem less in the eyes of a genius, s-o rigorously self-critical. He wrote about it i~"2the ~'Fo~ewqrd'''~ t 9 the T h i r d English Edi~tiOn~~~"I'~si~hf~~ ' h - a s i"fliis>f/dts ~f6 briers l~fff~ 6fie~ ~n--~ lf~eh~W t M a r ~ t% !931 ,, ~itlf'~lilcri ~os~tnft~r~vdzi~'~offle%codRl: gl

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beings, have their rhythms. They have their cycles and changing emphases of interest reflected in the successive generations who contribute to them. "I have a quite tentative hypothesis," said Powdermaker, "that some of the diverse trends in anthropology can be understood in terms of generation differences and in the accompanying changes in culture. Anthropologists and sociologists have long used age groups as a way of studying social change. Why can we not have a similar sociology of anthropology?''5 I have attempted a brief sociology of psychoanalysis, as to its ideas and as a movement, in its spread across the globe since it was founded.6 A similar effort will be made here concerning the emergence of Freud's and Horney's ideas on feminine psychology. As with people of lesser vision, a genius is also a product of his time. There are limits to which he can transcend the UJeltansehauung into which he was born, reared and remained embedded. According to Kuhn,7 it takes another generation to make that radical leap to a new paradigm, to new ways of looking at nature, characteristic of revolutionary science. Revolutionary science is contrasted with what Kuhn calls normal science. During the latter phase, accepted ways of looking at nature are slowly exhausted with accumulating findings that do not fit. Freud was a product of the nineteenth century. The Enlightenment h a d made possible and expressed the dignity of the individual and the primacy of reason. The scientific outlook with its methodologies had been productive of significant advances in the natural sciences. While Western man was digesting a heliocentric (Copernican) universe, he was still reeling from the impact of Darwinian evolution. Freud was yet to affront his vaunted reason with his concept of the unconscious. Individual factors also contributed to Freud's outlook. He was an outsider, born in Freiberg, Moravia, a province of Austria, and brought up in a Judaic tradition in which

man was lord and master and woman a lesser being. These latter attitudes were further affected by the obvious favoritism of his mother. 8 "A man who has been the indisputable favorite of his mother keeps for life the feeling of a conqueror, that confidence of success that often induces real success" (Freud). 9 The decaying Austro-Hungarian empire and Catholic Vienna left their impress on him as did the prudish, puritanical and hypocritical sexual mores of the Victorian era in which he was reared. A male genius, he produced a male-oriented psychology which he presented as based on anatomic immutables--"anatomy is destiny"--buttressed by the canons and methodologies of nineteenthcentury science. "Psycho-analysis," said Freud, "is a part of science and can adhere to the scientific Weltanschauung. ''1~ This meant that facts and values as to fact were the only ones that had relevance for science as data. Facts could be observed, described and measured. They were bits of external reality or internal reality that could be objectified. These facts were the data of experiments that could be controlled and repeated with predictable outcomes. These experiments were to test hypotheses which if repetitively verified might be referred to as laws. Nineteenth-century science concerned itself with isolated closed systems based on the notion of strict determinism. In this system of thinking, the analyst and the environment had to be assumed as fixed coordinates. The patient was regarded as the only variable in this experimental investigative structure and was treated as an isolated object, consistent with the methodologies of the natural sciences. Twentieth-century science concerns itself with hierarchies of open systems and degrees of determinism, from rigid determinism all the way to acausality.15 This means that analyst and environment as well as patient are variables in moving fields. Also aesthetic, moral and spiritual values, which nineteenthcentury science considered outside its

of Some Typical Marriage Conflicts" (~3ber die psychischen Wurzeln einiger typischer Ehekonflikte); in: Marriage, its Physiology, Psychology, Hygiene and Eugenics, Handbook on the Biology of Marriage, edited by Max Marcuse, published 1927 by A. Marcuse & E. Weber, Berlin & Krln. (Die Ehe, ihre Physiologie, Psychologie, Hygiene und Eugeniks. Ein biologisches Ehebuch, herausgegeben 1927, yon Max Marcuse, Berlin g: Kfln, A. Marcuse & E. Weber); "The Distrust Between the Sexes" (Das Misstrauen zwischen den Geschlechtern, Psychoanal. Bewegung, II: 521-537, 1930). 164

KAREN HORNEY ON FEMININ~ PSYCHOLOGY province and not to be participant in psychoanalytic methodologies of investigation, are relevant to twentieth-century science. The scientific climates in which Freud and Horney grew up were quite different. Only in the late twentieth century could "The Confessions of a Scientist-Humanist'u2 contain such a statement as "Now that t h e true nature of science is more generally realized, science can join forces with the arts and humanities and with philosophy and religion." Weaver, a mathematician, adds, "For we now know that science is motivated by curiosity, inspired by imagination and based on faith. We know that it seeks increasing order and does not pretend to deal with immutable truth. Magnificent as science is, and superbly useful as are its applications, we know that its apparent objectivity is only superficial, its pronouncements always open to revision. We know that, as is all art, it is culture-bound," which is a restatement of Powdermaker's hypothesis. Horney was born into an upper-middle class, Protestant family. Her father was a devout Bible reader and her mother a freethinker. In her early teens Homey went through a period of religious fervor, in her time and milieu a common occurrence among adolescents, more frequently in girls. Her father (Berndt Henrik Wackels Danielsen), a Norwegian sea captain from Bergen, became a German citizen and in time the Commodore of the North German Lloyd Shipping Company. Her mother (Clothilde Marie van Ronzelen) was Dutch. Horney's maternal grandfather was a famous Dutch engineerarchitect who became a naturalized German. The 100th anniversary of his death was commemorated in 1965 in Bremerhaven, Germany where he had built the harbor structures. The contrast with Freud's socio-economic position, in his earliest years and well into later life, is striking. Already living in "restricted circumstances," the steadily declining textile industry, on which his father depended as a wool merchant, forced the family to move to Vienna when Freud was three: Their social situation was made worse by the rising Czech nationalism opposed to Austrian rule. A "German-speaking Jewish minority offered an easy target for hostile feelings.''9 At twelve, in Vienna, his father's "spiritless resignation and lack of courage" when humiliated by a Gentile, deeply dis-

turbed Freud. "It took four decades before Freud outgrew his need to replace his destroyed father ideal." Homey, the daughter of two outsiders, was born in a great seaport--Hamburg--to a seafaring father. People and cities looking out on the sea are open to wider vistas. In her youth Homey made long sea voyages with her father. Thus began her lifelong passion for travel and an interest in strange and faraway places. However, it was her mother, the dominant parent, who had the larger influence. Also, Horney was with her much more due to her father's long and frequent absences. Her mother was a dynamic, intelligent and beautiful woman. She favored her son, Berndt, five years Karen's senior. Homey looked up to and was very much attached to her big brother, as a younger sister often is. After her middle teens he: played a limited role in her life. Though the feminist movement in Germany had by the end of the nineteenth century broken down some of the barriers against entering the professions, it was still unusual for women to become physicians. Homey did this with the encouragement of her mother. This brought her to Berlin for medical, psychiatric and psychoanalytic training. I cannot recall her telling me why she chose to be a physician and specifically a psychoanalyst, or of discriminations against her during her studies because she was a woman. She usually was first in her class which may have gained her the respect of her professors. Her ability as well as her personality may have won her their good will as well as tha~ of her male colleagues. In 1909, at the age of twenty-four, she married Oscar Homey, a Berlin lawyer. W i t h him she had three daughters. She divorced him in 1937 and continued an amicable relationship with him up to his death, in 1950. There had been a moving apart, due to differing interests and Horney's becoming more involved with all aspects of psychoanalysis. The problems of being a mother, a career woman, and dissolving a marriage she felt no longer meaningful to her, may have been factors stimulating Horney's interest in feminine psychology. I feel, however, that her interest was much more determined by her commitment to psychoanalysis, her investigative bent, the rigor of her thinking, the acuity of her clinical observations, her capacity for clinical hypothesis formulation

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and the ever-present challenging gap between theory, technique and the therapeutic results. Homey grew up in Germany, most of her life in Berlin, during the rise and fall of the Second Reich and the Kaiser's dominion. Although influenced by these events, she had a limited interest in and a lesser involvement with politics. Homey was not oriented toward or moved to social action. Although she observed the diminishing, though still existing, inequalities with reference to women, those were not the facts that stirred her interest in feminine psychology. Likewise the rise of Hitler was not a crucial factor determining her departure for the United States in 1932. Although not moved to social action Homey was well aware of and informed on social issues and the world situation, generously supporting relief organizations and liberal causes. In 1941 she made her position quite clear. "She was outspokenly anti-Fascist." She expressed her belief "that democratic principles, in sharp contrast to Fascist ideology.., uphold the independence and strength of the individual and assert his right to happiness. ''13 Homey was always passionately interested in the theater. In her youth she was often in the top stall rather than at school. During her later studies, Berlin was going through a renaissance in the arts (1910-1930). It was the time of the great director Max Reinhardt. Homey associated with people from all aspects of the theater as well as from the literary world. In her early fifties Homey began to study painting which became a great source of pleasure and relaxation. She agreed with the evaluation of competent critics that her abilities were modest. Homey was first analyzed by Karl Abraham 4 whom Freud regarded as one of his ablest pupils and later by Harms Sachs15 whose attitude to Freud was not simply one of respect but a worshipful one..Analysis by such loyal disciples would more likely have fostered adherence to Freud's views rather than deviation. Clearly other factors contributed to the direction Horney's thinking took. They were strong enough to bring about differences with Freud and both her personal analysts. Other women, of her age and time, also married and with families, had written on feminine psychology, particularly Helene Deutsch. Her views16 reflected an adherence to and elaboration of Freud's. 166

Homey had had the opportunity for and the encouragement to open herself to wider vistas. She grew up in a period of rebellion and of an undermining of authoritarian attitudes in Germany. All this, and the arts and emerging twentieth-century science had their impact on Homey. These circumstances, quite possibly, contributed to her becoming a physician and a psychoanalyst, to her being attracted to the distinctly cosmopolitan and international character of Berlin, to the art world that had become so vital and creative there, and to her almost immediate affirmative response to Franz Alexander's telephone call in 1932 to come to Chicago to become Associate Director at the newly founded Chicago Psychoanalytic Institute. In 1930, Alexander and Sandor Rado visited the United States. Alexander remained and Rado returned in 1932 to become Educational Director at the New York Psychoanalytic Institute. They and other Psychoanalytic Pioneers, as was Homey, were attracted by the burgeoning enthusiasm for psychoanalysis in the United States. We from our side were making strenuous efforts and attractive offers to induce them to come. Homey came into psychoanalysis when its foundations were almost completed and when it already had a degree of security from its increasing acceptance on a worldwide basis. There was a youthfulness, enthusiasm an~l considerable competence in the men and women gathered in Berlin immediately after World W a r I. With the founding of the Berlin Psychoanalytic Institute (1920), a great time in psychoanalysis began. Many of those who taught and were trained there created what psychoanalysis was to become in the next fifty years. Being in Berlin and in Germany, under the unique circumstances that existed there, and away from the awesome presence of the master, a much freer atmosphere obtained. By 1923 what uniquely characterized "The Classic Psychoanalytic Approach ''11 had been defined or at least outlined. "The topographical" point of view asserts that "psychoanalysis is a depth psychology and gives special significance to preconscious and unconscious psychic activities." Secondly, "present behavior can only be understood in terms of the past." This genetic orientation implies that mental phenomena are the outcome of the interplay "of the environmental experiences and of the biological develop-

KAREN HORNEY

FEMININE PSYCHOLOGY

ON

ment," of the psychosexual structure. "The dynamic point of view," the third, "refers to the proposition that human behavior can be understood as the result of the interaction of instinctual impulses and counterinstinctual forces." The fourth, "the economic point of view, is based on the hypothesis that the organism has a given quantity of energy at its disposal." "The structural point of view," the fifth, "is a working hypothesis which divides the mental apparatus into three separate structures. The id is the instinctual reservoir of man and has its basis in the anatomy and physiology of the human b e i n g . . . The id is under the domination of the primary process, which means that it operates in accordance with the pleasure principle... The ego is the control apparatus of the psychic structure... It organizes and synthesizes... The conscious functions of the ego, as well as the preconscious, are under the influence of the secondary process... The super-ego is the latest structure of the psychic apparatus to develop. It results from the resolution of the Oedipus complex. As a consequence, a new agency is instituted in the ego, containing the rewarding and punishing qualities and values of the parents. The ego-ideal and the conscience are different aspects of the superego... "All neurotic phenomena are the result of an insufficiency of the ego's normal function of control, which leads either to symptomformation or to characterological change or both." A neurotic conflict "can best be explained structurally as a conflict between the forces of the ego on the one hand and the id on the other." The "decisive" neurotic conflicts occur in the first years of childhood. The "ultimate aim" of psychoanalytic therapy is "to resolve the infantile neurosis which is the nucleus of the adult neurosis and thereby to do away with the neurotic conflicts.'U~ In her first paper (1917), six years before much of the foregoing had been formulated, and ,ome not even outlined, and before Freud's "The Ego and the ld* had been written (1923), Homey said, "Psychoanalysis can free a human being who was tied hands and feet. It cannot give him new arms or legs. Psychoanalysis, however, has shown us that much that we have regarded as constitutional merely represents a blockage of growth, a blockage which can be lifted." Her growth-

oriented, life-affirming, freedom-seekin~ philosophy is already evident. Constitution for her was not an immutable given but represented plastic possibilities to be shaped by organismal, environmental interactions. Her holistic concept of blockage*8 is clearly defined and contrasted with Freud's mechanistic notion of resistance. What Homey wrote in 1917, outlined, and at the least pointed at, represented confrontations with the five distinctive characteristics of the classic approach, already formulated or adumbrated. While recognizing the crucial significance of unconscious forces, their dimensions and meaning are quite different, seen from her holistic perspective. Dynamic to Homey could not mean instinct interacting with counterinstinct, because her growthoriented philosophy and her assumption of human spontaneity as central were a negation of the libido theory. The economic view that there is a fixed quantity of energy available in the organism is an assumption of nineteenth-century science, which Freud said held for psychoanalysis. This notion applied to isolated closed systems, in a mechanistic and materialistic universe. Horney's thinking was open-ended and, by implication, of a unitaryprocess nature. Contrary to repetitive assertion, Freud's orientation is not biological in a modern sense. It is materialistic and mechanistic. Horney's theories are biologicali in the twentieth-century meaning of the term. It sees the environment as a source of energy for the organism open to it. Horney's position of 1917 sharply confronted a tripartite mental apparatus. The assumption of human spontaneity as basic and rooted in anatomy and physiology, questions the primacy of the id and hence that it reflects a primary process thinking. Doubt is cast on the pleasure-pain principle, by a freedom-seeking philosophy. Growth is primary. Man becomes destructive (id) secondary to a blockage of that spontaneous growth. What Freud saw as a secondary process, as sublimation, Homey saw as primary, an unobstructed manifestation of growth. The functions subsumed under ego and super-ego consequently had new meanings in this changed context. In 1955, Munroe 19 said, " 'Freudians,' mostly under the label of ego psychology, are just beginning to give proper theoretical weight to concepts which Horney has been shouting from the housetops for twenty years.!'

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HAROLD KELMAN

Glimmerings of what Munroe was referring to were evident in 1917, not twenty but almost forty years earlier and six years before The Ego and the Id. "The genetic point of v i e w . . , that a given piece of present behavior can only be understood in terms of the past 'u7 was implicitly questioned by Horney's philosophy made much more explicit in her analysis of the "actual situation.'U8,2o, zl In it she gave place and space for the exaggerating and mitigating influences of the ongoing present left out in the " o n l y . . . in terms of the past 'ur genetic focus. Although there were many evident points of difference with Freud's basic philosophy and theory, most of these issues were left for later elaboration and formulation. It was with a detailed confrontation of Freud's libido theory, his theories of psychosexual development, that Homey began to concern herself. Just as we could only conjecture regarding the factors in Horney's development which led to the directions her thinking went, evident in 1917, so can we only surmise what led her to begin a serious examination of Freud's premises via a detailed scrutiny of his genetic point of view reflected in his libido theory. She may have had to put off developing what was in her 1917 paper because it was so at variance with Freud's philosophy. It literally questioned its very foundations. Homey was neither experienced enough yet nor had her ideas had an opportunity to mature sufficiently to do what was to take her the rest of her life. The libido theory was the oldest and most evolved aspect of Freud's ideas. It filled the foreground of psychoanalytic thought and was more available for clinical observations and for piecemeal critical examination. By 1923 most of its essentials had been filled in. Also, Freud stimulated an interest in feminine psychology thereby opening the way to a more careful examination of the whole libido theory. "In some of his latest works Freud has drawn attention with increasing urgency to a certain one-sidedness in our analytic researches." Homey adds, "I refer to the fact that till quite recently the mind of boys and men only was taken as the object of investigation. The reason of this is obvious. Psychoanalysis is the creation of a male genius, and almost all of those who had developed his ideas have been men. It is only right and

reasonable that they should evolve more easily a masculine psychology and understand more of the development of men than of women. ''II Influencing Horney's interest in feminine psychology were accumulating clinical observations which contradicted the theory. Also, the theory inadequately explained these observations or not at all. In The Flight from Womanhood II there are many evidences that Homey for some time had been influenced by the writings of social philosophers, among them Georg Simmel, and the work of anthropologists. These may have been some of the factors that moved Horney to evolve her ideas on feminine psychology. Clearly so-called masculine and feminine psychologies had to be formulated to be confronted and transcended to prepare the way for a whole-person philosophy already dimly envisaged in 1917, What were some essentials of the theories of sexuality that Freud had evolved which Horney learned and worked with during and after her analytic training? His earliest theory (1895) was "that sexual frustration was the direct cause of neurosis. ''22 Three Contributions to the Theory of Sex appeared in 1905. Freud regarded it as one of his most important publications, and revised it many times during his lifetime. He asserted that the sexual instinct becomes manifest in infancy. Its aim is to discharge tension and its object is the person or substitute who is sought to gratify this discharge. Freud said that the neurotic does in fantasy what the pervert does in actuality and that the child is polymorphous perverse. This meant that the child carried out what the neurotic fantasied and the pervert actualized. Freud extended the concept of sexuality to include all bodily pleasure, feelings of tenderness and affection as well as the desire for genital gratification, According to Freud "the sex life of man is divided into three periods: infantile sexuality ''~2 which is further subdivided into the oral (up to one-and-one-half years), anal (one-and-one-half to three) and the phallic (three to seven) phases culminating in the Oedipus complex. The second is the latency (seven to twelve) period. "It is ushered in by the resolution of the Oedipus complex and the establishment of a cohesive superego. 'u7 Puberty is the third period (twelve to fourteen) with its characteristic physiological changes leading to mature genitality and

168

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HORNEY

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FEMININE

heterosexual object choice with the aim of sexual intercourse. The libido theory Freud postulated to explain infantile sexuality became considerably modified and amplified. 1) It assumes libido as the major source of psychic energy not only for sexuality but also for the aggressive drive (1923). 2) "Tliere is a developmental process consisting of various libidinal stages. 3) Object choice.., results from transformations of libido. 4) The libidinal drives can be gratified, repressed, handled by reaction formation, or sublimated. 5) Character structure is built on the modes in which biologically determined instincts are handled. 6) Neurosis is a fixation or regression to some phase of infantile sexuality.''22 Although Freud had not formulated "the phase of primacy of the phallus" until 192323 indications pointing to it had been there earlier. Because it became a focus and starting point for Horney's papers on feminine psychology, it seems essential to include the formulation of the fully developed notion of the phallic phase. "The phallic phase occurs about the third to seventh year. Here the development of boys and girls differs. In the boy the discovery of the sensitivity of the penis leads to masturbation. Usually, sexual fantasies concerning the mother enter the masturbation activity. Simultaneously the boy feels rivalry and hostility to the father. The coexistence of sexual love to the mother and hostile rivalry to the father Freud called the Oedipus complex. The boy's discovery of the girl's lack of a penis at this time usually is interpreted by him to mean that she has lost this precious organ. The guilt for his sexual fantasies to the mother and death wishes toward the father continue to stir up in him castration anxiety. As a consequence, he usually renounces masturbation and thus eventually enters the latency period. In the girl the discovery that the boy has a penis and she has not, leads her to envy the boy and to blame her mother for this lack. As a consequence she renounces the mother as her primary love object and turns to the father. The clitoris is her main zone of masturbatory activities; the vagina is undiscovered. The glrl fantasies getting a penis or a baby from her father and has hostile rivalry feelings to her mother. As a general rule, she slowly gives up h e r oedipal strivings and enters 169

PSYCHOLOGY

latency owing to her fear of losing the love of her parents. 'u7 Freud's clinical observations have always been highly regarded but the theoretical constructions based on them were questioned. He often stated that his first interest was investigation and that only secondarily was he interested in therapy. Horney was also an investigator, but her primary interest was therapy. This was why she was so highly regarded as a teacher a and so much sought after as a training and supervising analyst. Her talents for teaching and training also expressed her bent and ability for clinical research.

In his discussion* of "Maternal Conflicts"XI Zilboorg said that one of its features "requires further emphasis," namely, that it is "clinical psychoanalysis." "It counteracts, I hope, the unusually strong and undeservedly popular trend toward technical problems and theoretical considerations which all too frequently obscure instead of illuminate the phenomena of human behavior." He emphasized the need for and the importance of "clinical observation," of "clinical phenomena," in "clinical circumstances." Thereby "we come again to the perennial clinical truth, according to which the study of the normal and the mildly neurotic individual is made possible only in the light of our knowledge which is acquired from the deeper analysis of severely pathological individuals, not only so-called borderline, but frankly psychotic ones." All of Horney's early papers reveal her interest in clinical observation, careful collection of data and rigorous testing of hypotheses, formulated both by Freud and by herself. In her first paper (1917) she said, "The analytical theories have grown out of observations and experiences which were made in applying this method: The theories, in turn, later exerted their influence on the practice. ''2 First came clinical observation and then the hypothesis based on the data. These hypotheses, while being further tested in the therapeutic situation, were influencing that very process. In The Flight from U.Yomanhood~ Homey wrote, "Science has often found it fruitful to look at long-familiar facts from a fresh point of view. Otherwise there is danger that we shall involuntarily

;:" American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, Vol. III, 461-463, 1933.

HAROLD KELMAN

continue to classify all new observations amongst the same clearly defined groups of ideas." From the investigative and clinical research viewpoint, Homey never deviated from the time she wrote her first paper. Throughout the publication of many articles and books, she never lost this spirit of searching, testing, revising, changing,, dropping and adding new hypotheses. Always beginning with the clinical data she might start with a clinical construct, move on to a molar hypothesis and then to one of a higher order of abstraction. Unconnected smaller hypotheses were joined into one of a higher order of generality. Data which had not fitted well in one formulation were brought under another which connected them in a new light. In The Problem of Feminine MasochismXIXI, a most closely reasoned paper, she notes the data Freud proposed for the hypothesis of penis envy and says, "The foregoing observations are sufficient to build a working hypothesis. ,. It must be realized, however, that this hypothesis is an hypothesis, not a fact; and that it is not even indisputably useful as a hypothesis." Horney's personality, her training, her scientific outlook and her interest in therapy are as evident in her earlier papers as they are in her later publications. All aspects of her positive approach to psychoanalysis were present and operating as she evolved her theories of feminine psychology. In The Flight from Womanhoodr~ she was already referring to "my theory of feminine development." In The Denial of the UaginaIX she uses the expression "feminine psychology as a whole," and takes sharp issue with Freud and Helene Deutsch who seconded and underlined Freud's viewpoint. In this paper Homey repetitively refers to "my theory," backs it up with clinical data, and exposes what she regarded as lacks in Freud's. Although a critical evaluation of the classical interpretation of The Problem of Feminine MasochismXlII is the main focus and intent of this paper, it widens to an extensive clinical, phenomenological description of masochism. She then asks: What cultural conditions are conducive to masochism happening in men and women. With these new perspectives, which include not only a psychodynamic approach containing many of her own theoretical constructs but also phenomenological and cultural ones, she is well on her way toward the theme of The

3[eurotic Personality of OuT Time, 2o namely, the consequences of the impact of culture on men and women as people. Horney begins her investigations regarding feminine psychology by quoting Abraham "in part verbatim... The manifestations in the mental life of women which spring from the objection to being a woman are traceable to their coveting a penis when they were little girls. The unwelcome idea of being fundamentally lacking in this respect gives rise to passive castration phantasies while active phantasies spring from a revengeful attitude toward the favored male. ''I Homey concludes that "the little girl's sense of inferiority i s . . . by no means primary." For her in "comparison with boys" it is not possible to have certain gratifications. Seen from the "reality" of a child, "as an actual fact.., little girls are at a disadvantage." Little girls cannot proudly make a urinary stream llke boys ("urethral erotism"). They cannot look at their genital while doing so ("scotophilia"), and they cannot feel the permission to masturbate they assume boys are given in being allowed to publicly touch and show their penis ("onanistic gratification").I Homey then showed from clinical evidence that in the attempts of both men and women to master the Oedipus complex they would develop a castration complex or move toward homosexuality. Penis envy conditions the forms of castration anxiety but is not the primary source. Also penis envy can be present with a "wholly womanly love attachment to the f a t h e r . . . It is only when it comes to grief over the Oedipus complex that the envy leads to a revulsion from the subject's own sexual role" and a "masculinity-complex" develops which " t e r m . . . is used as practically synonymous" with "the penis-envy complex." In The Flight from WomanhoodlI Homey notes that "The significance of penis-envy has been extended quite recently by the hypothesis of the 'phallic p h a s e ' . . . Only one genital organ, namely the male, plays any p a r t . . . In the infantile genital organizat i o n . . , according to this theory, the clitoris is conceived of as a phallus." Comparing the boy's ideas about gifts and the theory of feminine development, "the remarkable parallelism is striking." Homey, quoting Georg Simmel, philosopher of culture, on the "essentially masculine" orientation of our

170

KAREN HORNEY ON FEMININE PSYCHOLOGY society, states that having assumed a primary penis envy, by "a-posteriori" reasoning, the logic for its "enormous dynamic power" is arrived at. Freud's male oriented theory leads Homey "as a woman" to "ask, in amazement, and what about motherhood? and the blissful consciousness of bearing a new life within oneself? and the ineffable happiness of the increasing expectation of the appearance of this new being? and the joy when it finally makes its appearance and one holds it for the first time in one's arms? and the deep pleasurable feeling of satisfaction in suckling it and the happiness of the whole period when the infant needs her care?"tt The penis-envy concept attempts to deny and detract from all this, possibly through male fear and envy. Homey saw penis envy, not as an unnatural phenomenon, but as an expression of the mutual envy and attraction of the sexes for each other, and that penis envy becomes a pathological phenomenon, as a later development, due to problems in connection with the resolution of the Oedipus complex. The fears men have of women, which may have contributed to the male originated and oriented penis-envy concept, Homey discusses in The Dread of Woman. vIII The theme of man's fear of woman and of seeing her as sinister and mysterious endlessly repeats itself in the lore of so-called primitive groups and in the writings of so-called civilized ones. She is frightening because she holds the secrets of life and death; is particularly dangerous when she is menstruating; to deflorate her is most dreadful; and to penetrate her is to chance being castrated. Man attempts to deal with his dread by denial and defense. He has been so successful that "women themselves have so long been able to overlook it." That was why Homey was so surprised when Groddeck--a male analyst --presented as "self-evident" and "in the shape of a universal proposition" that "of course men are afraid of women." Men deny their dread by love and adoration and defend themselves from it by conquering, and "debasing" women and by "diminishing the self-respect of the woman." In this paperVlII Homey emphasized "that we have no reason to assume that these phallic impulses"--of the boy to penetrate "his mother's g e n i t a l . . , are naturally sadistic and that therefore it is inadmissible, in the absence of specific evidence in each case, to 171

equate 'male' with 'sadistic,' and on similar lines 'female' with 'masochistic.'" Homey is here again revealing her rigor in scientific theorizing, namely, that an hypothesis must be based on "specific evidence." Also she is exposing the havoc that loose theorizing can perpetrate. Even among experienced analysts there is the tendency to regard it as natural for women to be passive and masochistic and for males to b e active and sadistic. In the uninformed, it is taken as almost axiomatic that this is the way men and women art. It is not realized that such notions have come into common parlance on the basis of theories which have been unsubstantiated. Homey also stated that the penis-envy concept might also have roots in the male envy of the female which has been universally prevalent. "When one begins, as I did," said Homey, "to analyze men only after a fairly long experience of analyzing women, one receives a most surprising impression of the intensity of this envy of pregnancy, childbirth and motherhood, as well as of breasts and of the act of suckling."n Zilboorg, a psychoanalyst, speaks of the "woman-envy on the part of man, that is psychogenetically older and therefore more fundamental ''24 than penis-envy. He adds, "There is no doubt that the further and deeper studies of man's psyche will yield a great deal of enlightening data, as soon as one learns to discount the androcentric veil which has heretofore covered a number of important psychological data ''24 not burdened by a Western male oriented psychology. Bose, from Calcutta, Bengali, a physician, psychoanalyst, and founder of the Indian Psychoanalytic Society (1922), wrote, in his extended correspondence with Freud, "that my Indian patients do not exhibit castration symptoms to such a marked degree as my European cases. The desire to be female is more easily unearthed in Indian male patients than in European... The Oedipus mother is very often a combined parental image. ''25 Clearly, Hindu philosophical, historical and cultural patterns produce different attitudes toward the motherly and the feminine in Indian men than in European ones. Of all the ancient architectures with which I am familiar none portrays the female figure with such large, nurturant breasts as can be seen throughout India. In India (circa 5000-3000 B.C.), the "early pre-Aryan f e m a l e . . , wore nothing above the

HAROLD KELMAN

waist and the barest minimum below it. They drank strong liquor, danced till the early hours of the morning and were not inhibited in their sexual relations. It was more common for a woman to have four or five husbands than for a man to have a h a r e m . . . They owned property because the society was matriarchal.., which still obtains in the state of Kerala and among the poor, illiterate, jungle-dwelling adibasi," thirty-five million of them, who live "in the hills and jungles stretching from Assam... to Cope Comorin."36 Among the Aryans, who started comitig ~o India about 3000 B.C., there was the sanction of tradition, in the epic Mahabharata, for "a king unable to impregnate his queen" to persuade "her to seek the services of other m e n . . . Attendance on an honored guest was enjoined as a part of hospitality." This freedom continued up to the period of the Rig Veda (circa 1500 B.C.). Women remained equals in parliamentary debate, in the performance of religious rituals and "in the pleasures of wine and flesh." The denigration of woman began with the sage Uddalaka Swetaketu. A woman was now limited to one man and unfaithfulness to her husband became a sin. "The chief apologist for lowering the status of women was the famous lawgiver Manu--also the father of the Hindu caste system--who lived about 200 B.C." He was also responsible for prescribing child marriage and "the deification of the husband." The next logical step downward was suttee--enforced "immolation of widows on the funeral pyre of the husband." Although Buddha (fifth century B.C.) inveighed against child marriage and suttee, his teaching had little impact. With the arrival of the Moslems about 1000 A.D. the Hindus adopted purdah, and the seclusion of women in harems and zenana. Victorian England outlawed suttee in 1829. Remarriage of widows was legalized in 1856. O n l y in 1929 was a law passed prohibiting child marriage. Under Gandhi the emancipation of women made sudden and great strides. In 1955 polygamy was outlawed. "After 2000 years, the right of divorce was granted to Hindu women." In 1956 Hindu women were given equal property rights. The thousands of women who were followers of Gandhi began to swell the ranks of women in all walks of fife, culminating in a female prime minister, Indira Gandhi (January 19, 1966). 172

This capsuled seven-to-eight-millennia history of the place of women in India clearly reveals the crucial impact of clime and time, of political, social, economic and religious factors on the vicissitudes of her changing status from that of a free and spontaneous woman of a matriarchy to that of abysmal denigration under a restrictive patriarchy. Noteworthy are the contributions of a male Sage and a famous masculine lawgiver to this precipitous descent. Ironic is the participation o f empire-building Victorian England in slowing and reversing this trend, catapulted by Gandhi in a short time into a resumed equality. This synopsis of the history of a large segment of humanity seriously questions the immutability of the roles and attitudes of the sexes to each other and of their character attributes as givens, derivative of differences in anatomy. Throughout the East, during many and long periods, matriarchies were common. The basis of ancient Chinese thought was the yin-yang philosophy which asserted that the male and female principles are complementary and that llfe can be harmonious only when they are in balance. They not only accepted differentness as expressing the natural state but also regarded it as the essential to joining, union and enrichment, through similarity and difference. In the West, by contrast, differentness often connotes opposition, categories of dominance and submission, and of black and white, either-or thinking. Differentness almost automatically means more or less, the negative of a positive, an absence, a negation, a presence of an absence, which is also an affirmation but definitely not and simply not just plain differentness. It is difficult for us to be open to what is in its true and own nature. Women are not what they are, but are males who lack a penis. They "refuse to accept the fact of being castrated" (Freud21), of having a "bodily defect" (Abraham29), and have the "hope of someday obtaining a penis in spite of everything" (Freud2*). Clearly the penis-envy concept derives from a male-oriented psychology determined by the value systems of a particular time in human history, the mores of a specific locale, and by Freud still dictated by his Judaic background. Mead, an anthropologist, feels that many male initiation' rites in most preliterate groups are attempts to take over the functions

KAP,.EN HORNF-Y ON FEMININE PSYCHOLOGY oi women. 29 Among such cultures the elaborate ritual of couvade is almost universal. Immediately after the woman gives birth, often quite unceremoniously out in the bush, the man takes to his bed where he is fed and nursed for days and weeks by the women while abstaining from all that is considered masculine3 a Through couvade the male acquires the status of a post-partum female without having gone through the pain of labor, the discomforts of a pregnancy and the "curse" of menstruation. In human history there are recorded periods of harmony; of dominance and submission under matriarchies and patriarchies; and of shifts from one structure of society to another. Comparative cultural studies reveal instances of healthy and pathological envy by each sex of the other's functions and anatomical attributes. Bettelheim, a psychoanalyst, has argued from his work with healthy and schizophrenic children and his study of puberty rites among preliterate groups, that they function "to integrate, rather than to discharge, asocial instinctual tendencies.''8~ His premise is that "one sex [eels envy in regard to the sexual organs and functions of the other, ''a~ boys of girls, each of the other. In addition to being critical of the maleoriented negative emphasis on castration anxiety, in the interpretation of puberty rites, he questioned Freud's supposed value-free concept of the "child's predisposition to being polymorphous-perverse.''a~ He preferred Jung's polyvalent notion which is neutral and multipotential. The crucial influences of culture, history, politics and economics on our attitudes toward sex differences and sexual behavior have become strikingly evident since World War II. Ease and speed of communication, verbal and visual, and of transportation of persons have significantly contributed to our becoming mutually informed regarding each other's value systems. With such dispersion of information and of people there has been a tmiversalizing of value systems and levelling of them toward sameness. Proselytizing Christianity required the heathen to learn shame and to cover his nude body and the female breasts: After World W a r II, with world Americanization, the Japanese, who for centuries had bathed en famille in their hot springs and public baths, and the Finns in their saunas have become self-conscious about their nudity. The Swedes

have been made uncomfortable about their understandable hunger for the sun after their long winter nights and must hide their nakedness from our prying American eyes. Concomitantly in Europe and the United States, nudist groups increase in numbers with less public outcry. Exposure of the female body by "Bunny" girls and waitresses in topless uniforms increases. Bathing suits and bra ads reveal more than they conceal. Male and female nudes in pornographic material, paraded as an art form, have become a commonplace. Prophylaxis for men against impregnation has been long and easily available. In rapid sequence have appeared vaginal foams and jellies, pessaries, external and internal, pills to prevent pregnancy and others to produce abortion. The techniques, physical and chemical, which have diminished the fear of becoming impregnated and impregnating, have increased the feeling of freedom in sex so that the possibilities of enjoyment in sex have greatly increased. The defensive functions and neurotic pride in feeling sinful because of sex interest and particularly for enjoying sex become less necessary and more difficult to support. With these changes have come increasing and more open sexual activity and more illegitimate children among early teenagers. Some countries, particularly the Scandinavian ones, have accepted these happenings and the children out of wedlock as facts of life and have evolved comprehensive constructive approaches. Every attempt is made to insure the well-being of infant and mother and that they remain together. The goal is to rehabilitate the mother with the hope of joining her with the baby's putative father which, because of their attitudes, happens in most cases. With increasing freedom regarding sex, something is happening among avant-gnarde teenagers whose behavior so often points toward the newer directions in social mores and behavior change. Sexual activity is losing its significance as a symbol of freedom and rebellion. These functions are being taken over by other activities; hair and clothes modes, drugs, and new languages of communication: verbally, in art forms, in the dance and in group behavior. The mysteries and dangers of sex have diminished and the possible troubling consequences can be dealt with. However, it is a matter of great public 173

HAROLD KELMAN concern that the rates of syphilis and gonorrhea among teenagers have mounted precipitously throughout the Western world and particularly in the United States. Attitudes toward abortion have changed. The feeling of sinfulness or of destroying a life carry much less weight as moral restraints. Wasting one's seed in masturbation or in sex solely for pleasure and not for procreation evoke diminishing feelings of guilt. During and after the Communist revolution in Russia, with the emphasis on being antl-bourgeois, abortion was easily available. The need to replace the population lost during World War II forced a swing to the opposite extreme. The population explosion and the fact of survival for this small island nation has resulted in Japan's record drop in birth rate through contraceptive education in a highly literate population and e~y~z~s abortion. But in India; witK an..r greater problem, the birth rate d~op;:ihas~_.heep.J slower~i because of lower. tlterficy,, ~kenk~d,the. mbre., freque~at.. ~ying of fubes~ Fa~ec~m~ '~ir I useo ,,of:~ permanefit pels a~Eies~,~~Tfie :iUni~ed~.~S~s; J~ ~towe~t.~s ehangtng~ i ~ n ~ r e g ~ r dhag3abo~iog~5 '(o jv~ Our attitudes toward .~sc~lagb, ~de~ia~6ii} t~ait imdm~yam t~wa~rdd ffa~modexuati~,d~/h'~ve ohangei~ eon#id6t'~bl~z ,XtChet~o tlmmrais him a r ~ n t r c t ~ e ~ i~r~amose~&ili~ 5~Miff~fI~ t m k s c e ~ e e ~ u ~ & o f , g i m ~ ~fiankaess~m~8 o i ~ r l n m s a ~ b b t ~ d obad~vh~l~tants.v~;d ,a*cio bzWitliI tl~ ~re~t earn~d6ol~bheoming~gld~ ~dmr'~crn~t ~ r ~ o d w ~ o r s a t i z i h g r ~ of ~r lmenag~ p ~fter~s~ba~m~euh"mlg-~ng~dndo r t~ft~ing~oflmm 8iff~te~i. ~6igls/~el/nurh~dt l~id~ho olipstldvg ~ n ' a ~ t f i ~ t ~ rrbmatzt ",~tl bmfa~u~iff[ttm ~tt#d m ~ d ~ e ~ n f i r o d t atat r~mIwThc'J ~ s ~n~i~mtqng al~acd amti~doffli~ tMdn arie a ~ d i a # ~ z f ~ z l r f i i ' M ~ Ro isatof~od hard to distinguish the sexes. Simultaneour~ ma'~ss~ctl~ ~ r r 1d~,q~r.ti~:ul~0d~ ~r~mt~ted*W~st, ifidau~r~igass~a=d ~a#amq~d ~ d g t t i ~ i~6rqsts~kflolothes~ diaird~, ~zt~rtm~s~;~a~ dr~x~ [pi-J~att:i ha~tm~g6b a~&~in~6thhr~o~ ~ai,ao~ W ~ i ~ t x ~ t ~ b e e e i ~ h ~ httd

increasing numbers of men and women who have had their body form and function changed. Clinics are springing up across the country to fulfill the demand. The changeover is easier for men and the number asking for it seems higher than for women. It is possible to effect changes in body contours, breast tissue increase, female hair distribution and an artificial vagina. The problems are greater f o r a female to make a changeover to becoming male, particularly regarding the creation of an artificial penis even in form, let alone in function. Most report the failure of psychotherapy to diminish the strong desire in these people for such a changeover. All patients are psychiatrically examined. The statement is made that they were normal before and uniformly happy after the changeover and about it. The psychiatric studies reveal that crucial factors in infancy moved them away. tlrom identifyingwith their own-gender. The hope is. ,such studie~ may. provide .valuable information.for mental-hygiene:programs., .... t,.Whi:le ,o~r,knowledge..of14he,,genetics,arr& M~chemis~ry, ~6f~. se~, diti~erer~ee~,irrcreases,~ s~r/e, ~,dL~ep~r arifiiag',~'~e~ t~,:4h ~0nw ~r/6d~rr~ et~ffi~a~fiJnt~e~i~ ~toZb~gniOr6~pdff'&~t~,ld~t~rJ ~ t g,f~oriOoti~~i~lia3ag~ftg~datt~uil~fi h ~ a f d

mi~ki~ts~d wm anoi~3~u] ~a~AT .rioiI[~d~3 a~c~hb diangin~6f sm/~Hotlenti~iby~tr~ic~ a ~ 3 hie chegti~halnt~rmrlt tons, e~'~ bhe a~h~stt rdeerrti &r~l@rrient. zTwr ra~W~ aoas a~hrta~r~ o~I'fioto~e~edaa~Ja~gaa~ hemated~tb dfafig~hg~z~MLyi~c~ ha/~u~aHe hazh~oLg6~zto Due/mark ~o~ ha~e~fip~done. ~id~Ja-~rd~t'~'~ r@i~ t ~nd~'lYq a~d/r a~d,tmakt atifi~ 174

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K A R E N HORNEY ON FEMININE PSYCHOLOGY

Sexual attitude of civilized woman... It seems to be that the explanation for this frequency has rather to do with supraindividual, cultural factors. Our culture, as is well known, is a male culture and therefore, by and large, not favorable to the unfolding of woman, and her individualityY In The Problem o~ the Monogamous ldealtV Homey confronted "the tendentious confabulation in favor of men" that they naturally had "a more polygamous disposition," an assertion without substantiation: There are no data on the psychological significance of pregnancy a s ' a momentous consequence" of coitus, nor 'on ~the..woman"s Urge to,wardintercourse'being'deterniia~ed :by a-":possible ~reproductive ..in~titi~t'U @itll~,-lie/ ~6nsequetat , i n f ~ f ~n se~t-'-b~rorfi~g ;t~ ~'~onk~ ~he, b e,doiiies~:pr~g;/i-~hk ;. -

Distrust Between the SexesVI rather than the more global feeling and concept "of hatred" or of "hostility." Later in the paper she begins a discussion of the origins of the dread of woman as distinguished from that of distrust and resentment. She gives many instances from cultural patterns and periods in history and literature, of a male-oriented bias toward women and how it stimulates and expresses distrust. In the Old Testament "woman's capacity to'give birth is partly denied and-partly devaluated.~ Eve owas made from-Adam~s~rib/md~a~-s Was 'Fut on.'her-to '-fleet ~hit~ei/qh ~ r t~emptittg ~g2dafl~ t~ e~tf~Mi~a~eet~/F~n6@ /

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HAROLD KELMAN and mother and her "flight into a desired or imagined masculine role." That Horney's interest was shifting to psychodynamic factors causing emotional disturbances is evident in her stating that "problems in marriage are not solved by admonitions regarding Duty and Renunciation nor by the recommendation of unlimited Freedom for the instincts." What is required is "Emotional Stability Acquired by Both Partners before Marriage" and "an unreachable ideal," an "Anxiety-Free relationship between the sexes." Past and current literature on marriage is filled with the need for give and take. Homey mentions the need for "an inner renunciation of claims on the p a r t n e r . . . I mean claims in the sense of demands and not wishes." This is an exact definition of "Neurotic Claims" which only became fully defined in her last book.81 Horney closes this paperVlI with, "We must seriously review the absolute standard of monogamy by re-examining with an open mind its origin, its values and its dangers." She had already raised this issue in The Problem of the Monogamous Ideal.IV To my knowledge, a serious definitive study as suggested by Horney is still not available. In The Dread of ~UomanVIII Horney discussed the male dread of the vagina. In it she begins her criticism of the literature on the so-called "undiscovered vagina" and becomes quite sharp about this masculine viewpoint in The Denial of the Uagina.rx Freud's premise is that the little girl is unaware of her vagina and is concerned with the absence of a penis. He assumes that the first genital sensations are in the clitoris and only later in the vagina. He doubts early vaginal masturbation. A host of sources that Homey quotes support her own observations that spontaneous vaginal sensations are present in little girls, that vaginal masturbation is common, as well as the introduction of the fingers into the vagina. Cliteral masturbation is a later development and for quite other reasons the vagina, previously discovered, is denied. "If I take nil the foregoing data together, I can see only one hypothesis which gives a satisfactory answer to all the questions which present themselves; the hypothesis, namely, that from the very beginning the vagina plays its own proper sexual part." In "Some Psychological Consequences of the Anatomical Distinction Between the

Sexes" (1925),2r Freud's position was essentially that women were not what they were-women--but males who lack a penis. He also saw them as deficient in other regards. "I cannot escape the notion (though I hesitate to give it expression) that for woman the level of what is ethically normal is different from what it is in m e n . . . We must not allow ourselves to be deflected from such conclusions by the denials of the feminists, who are anxious to force us to regard the two sexes as completely equal in position and worth" (Freud).2~ This was about as sharp as Freud became in this paper which is dosed with "In the valuable and comprehensive studies upon the masculinity and castration complex in women by Abraham (1921), Homey (1923) and Helene Deutsch (1925), there is much tha~ touches closely upon what I have written but nothing that coincides completely, so that here again I feel justified in publishing this paper. ''2T This was a positive recognition of Horney and an avoidance of controversy which was Freud's tendency and preference. In "Female Sexuality" 1931)3e Freud said, "referring to the pre-Oedipus phase in the little girl's development," that "Everything connected with this first mother attachment has in analysis seemed to me so elusive... It would in fact appear that women-analysts --for instance, .Jeanne Lampl-de Groot and Helene Deutsch-- had been able to apprehend the facts with greater ease and clearness because they had the advantage of being suitable mother-substitutes in the transference-situation with the patients whom they were studying." But what Karen Horney found, as a mother-substitute "in the transference situation" Freud did not find "suitable"; in fact for him he was unusually sharp in his differing with her. "Some authors a r e inclined to discharge the importance of the child's first, most primal libidinal impulses, laying stress rather on later developmental processes, so that-putting this view in its extreme form--all that the former can be said to do is to indicate certain trends, while the amounts of energy [Intensit~iten] with which these trends are pursued are drawn from later regressions and reaction-formations. Thus, for example, K. Horney (1926) is of the opinion that we greatly overestimate the girl's primary penisenvy and that the strength of her subsequent striving towards masculinity is to be attri-

176

KAREN HORNEY O N FEMININE PSYCtIOLOGY buted to a secondary penis-envy, which is used to ward off feminine impulses, especially those connected with her attachment to her father. This does not agree with the impression that I myself have formed. ''a2 That Freud was disturbed by Horney's views is evident. He made two statements which are questionable, even with adding the disclaimer: "putting this view in its extreme form." Homey did not "disparage the importance of the child's first, most primal libidinal impulses" nor did she imply or state that all that could be said for them was that they indicated "certain trends" and that "later regressions and reaction formations" were the more powerful. But Freud was consistent. "A similar objection applies to Jones' view (1927) that the phallic phase in girls represents a secondary protective reaction rather than a genuine stage of development. This does not correspond to either the dynamic or the chronological conditions''82 and with continuing consistency he also said--in 1 9 3 1 "Abraham's (1921) description of the manifestations of the female castration complex is still unsurpassed.''Sz After his paper on "Female Sexuality" (1931), until his death in 1939, Freud wrote little on the subject. In "Analysis Terminable and Interminable" (1937),a3 one of his last papers, Freud sums up and gives some of his final views on neurosis and therapy. He discusses "The wish for a penis in women, and in men, the struggle against passivity." He said, "Ferenczi was asking a very great deal" when "in 1927 he laid it down as a principle that in every successful analysis these two complexes must have been resolved... When we have reached the wish for a penis and the masculine protest, we have penetrated all the psychological strata and reached 'bedrock'... Our task is accomplished... The repudiation of femininity must surely be a biological fact, part of the great riddle of sex. ''3~ And there the matter rested for Freud as it did for most of his followers. In the "Introductory Note" to his unfi~fished An Outline of Psychoanalysis, 84 "his last work of any considerable length... b e g u n . . , in London on July 22, 1938," Freud said, "The aim of this brief work is to bring together the doctrines of psychoanalysis and to state them, as it were, dogmatically.., no one who has not repeated those observations

upon himself or upon others is in a position to arrive at an independent judgment of it." All these qualifications Homey fulfilled and came to "an independent judgment" at variance with Freud's on feminine psychology and on an increasing number of aspects of the theory and practice of psychoanalysis. In this book he again asserts, "The third phase is the so-called phallic o n e . . . What comes into question at this stage is not the genitals of both sexes but only those of the male (the phallus). The female genitals long remain unknown." In a footnote he adds, "The occurrence of early vaginal excitations is often asserted. But it is most probably a question of excitations in the clitoris, that is, in an organ analogous to the penis, so that this fact would not preclude us from describing the phase as phallic. ''84 Since this book was written "in the most concise form and in the most positive terms," no mention of other work is made. Freud's statement regarding "early vaginal excitations" could have been a response to Horney's paper "The Denial of the Vagina"Zx in which she took issue with the notion of the undiscovered vagina, the primacy of clitoral sensations, the notion of a phallic phase and the whole concept of penis envy. Even more specifically directed against her might have been another comment he made when discussing "The lack of agreement among analysts... We shall not be so very surprised if a woman analyst who has not been sufficiently convinced of the intensity of her own desire for a penis also fails to assign an adequate importance to the factor in her patients."84 Freud seemed here to have overlooked his own admonition in a footnote in "Female Sexuality":a2 "The use of analysis as a weapon of controversy obviously leads to no decision." Homey continued her investigations, always starting with clinical observations, making limited hypotheses and broadening them as the evidence warranted. In "Psychogenic Factors in Functional Female Disorders,"x her first publication in an American journal, we see the rigor in her methodology. She noted the "coincidence of a disturbed psychosexual life on the one hand and functional female disorders on the other" and then asks, "is this coincidence a regular one?" She answers, "according to my observations there is no regular coexistence of these bodily factors and emotional changes" and then

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moves to a third question. "Is there a specific correlation between certain mental attitudes in the psychosexual life and certain genital disturbances?" Recognizing the complexity of this question she breaks it down still further, again starting with the clinical data. She attempted to find common denominators in various categories of patients with frigidity, vaginismus, masturbation fears, fears concerning motherhood and problems associated with menstruation. In doing so she again makes reference to "a marked difference in the psychology of men and of women." She noted that in women sex and tenderness are more closely tied together while men are "very often" split in their respective attitudes toward sex and love. Homey continued to be guided by some of Freud's concepts, giving them, however, her own interpretation. "One of our basic analytic conceptions," she said in "Maternal Conflicts,"xI "is that sexuality does not start at puberty but at birth, and consequently our early love feelings always have a sexual character. As we see it in the whole animal kingdom, sexuality means attraction between the different sexes... The factors of competition and jealousy with regard to the parent of the same sex is responsible for conflicts arising from this source." Attraction is biological and natural, wholesome and spontaneous, according to Horuey's holistic philosophy. This viewpoint is contrary to Freud's notion of biological, with id instincts, the wish for a penis in women, and in men, the struggle against passivity as "bedrock," as "biological fact." Freud wrote a number of articles for "The Sexual Enlightenment of Children" (1907), the title of his first article on this topic.86 They reflected the preventive mental hygiene and educational aspects of psychoanalysis. In "Maternal Conflicts" Horney also points out the "practical use" for "child guidance" of "detailed" studies of a "few cases." They "may point out the direction in which genetic factors really lie, for the guidance of future work." With increasing frequency, references to cultural factors appear in Horney's papers. Speaking of the "old infantile fear, once attached to the father and mother" which "may also be transferred to the children and may lead to an immense but vague feeling of insecurity with regard to them," she added, in "Maternal Conflicts," that "this seems to

K E ~

be particularly true in this country, for complicated reasons. P a r e n t s . . . are in terror of being disapproved of by their children... Or they worry incessantly about whether they are giving the children the proper education and training." In science, movement is back and forth from the particularities, the observed, described data to the hypothesis, each constant!y checked and tested against the other. By the methodology of similarity and difference, categories of data are isolated. Recurrences of groups of similar data are referred to in medicine as syndromes and complexes, and when a cause or causes can be definitely connected with a particular group of recurrent findings it is called a disease entity. Both in the physical sciences and the humanities there is a category of recurrent similarities referred to as a type. The methodology of typologies is a highly developed one. Homey used it, in an explicit way, in "The Overevaluation of Love. A Study of a Common Present-Day Feminine Type."xlI While she used the term "types" in Our Inner Contlicts 8~ she did so "merely as a simplification for persons with distinct characteristics." She said she did not intend "to establish a new typology" but felt one was "certainly desirable but must be established on a much broader basis." By the time she wrote her last book81 her position had shifted. "What we regard as 'types' are actually cross sections of personalities in which the neurotic process has led to rather extreme developments w i t h pronounced characteristics. But there is always an indeterminate range of intermediate structures deriding any precise classification... Perhaps it would be more nearly correct to speak of directions of development rather than of types. ''31 Wnnile Homey made use of many scientific methodologies with considerable ability and effectiveness, she did so intuitively, having a strong aversion to the abstract per se, particularly in psychology, philosophy and methodology. In this paperXlI Homey revealed her use not only of anthropological and sociological methodologies but almost explicit was her unitary process thinking, very obvious in her last book. She was seeing individual and environment as a single moving process, each mutually and reciprocally influencing each other as is evident in this statement: "I

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K A R E N IIOKNEY O N

believe that i can show in each instance that the type of woman described can only result in this form on the basis of individual factors, and I assume that the frequency of the type is explained by the fact that, given the social factors, relatively slight difficulties in personal development suffice to drive women in the direction of this type of womanhood." In short, all is not individual, instinctual, "rock bottom" as Freud had postulated and as Homey further questions in this paper. The "patriarchal ideal of womanhood" is culture determined, not an immutable given. In "Feminine Masochism"XlZI Horney confronts a number of unsubstantiated hypotheses in Freud's theories: that "masochistic phenomena are more frequent in woman than in man," because they "are inherent in, or akin to, the very essence of female nature"; and that "feminine masochism" is "one psychic consequence of anatomical sex differences." This paper gives a clear picture of Horney's detailed knowledge of the literature on the subject, the closeness and clarity of her reasoning, her feeling for and rigor in the methodologies, not only of clinical research but of anthropological investigation as well. After showing how and why psychoanalysis cannot answer manyquestions about feminine psychology, she outlines guides for anthropologists seeking data regarding the differences in men and women concerning the presence of masochistic phenomena. She was attempting t o expand the kinds of findings Briffault alluded to in "The Mothers."* Homey refers to his pointing out that "the modifying influence of 'inherited tradition,' not only upon ideals and beliefs but also upon emotional attitudes and so-called instincts, cannot possibly be overestimated." "Freud's hypothesis that there is no fundamental difference between pathologic and 'normal' phenomena" and "that pathologic phenomena merely show more distinctly as through a magnifying glass the processes going on in all human beings" is again sharply questioned by Homey. To generalize to "all human beings" from Freud's small middle-class Viennese sample is a serious methodological error. His notion of the primacy of id instincts runs counter to all holistic philosophies of man's nature. Likewise, based on his local experience, he * Overvaluation of Love, p. 605 and footnote.

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generalized that the Oedipus complex was a universal human phenomenon when it "is non-existent under widely different cultural conditions" according to anthropological studies. To Freud's assumption that women generally are more jealous than men Homey responded with "the statement probably is correct so far as the present German and Austrian cultures are concerned." "In analyzing adult women" Horney noted that "1) although in all cases the determining conflicts have arisen in early childhood the first personality changes have taken place in adolescence" and that "2) the onset of these changes coincides approximately with the beginning of menstruation."xIv Using the methods of similarity and differences and of categories she "tentatively... distinguished four types." The first three suggest what she called in Our Inner Conflicts 86 the agressive, the compliant and the detached types. In fact, in this article she says of type three that they become "emotionally detached" and acquire "a 'don't care' attitude." These three types evolved into the "Expansive" and "SelfEffacing" solutions and the solution of "Resignation" in JYeurosis and Human Growth.8. Her type four in this paper would also fit in the predominantly resigned solution with the special clinical problem of homosexuality. While noting the differences in these women Horney also saw their similarities. In common all had "insecurity regarding female self-confidence, conflictual or antagonistic attitudes toward men and incapacity to 'love' --whatever this term may mean. if they do not dodge the female role altogether they rebel against it or exaggerate it in a distorted manner. In all these cases much more guilt is connected with sexuality than they admit." And then consistent with her rigorous methodology, Homey goes into the psychodynamics involved in their similarities and in their differences and adds her usual notes of caution. "No one familiar with the intricate complexity of psychic dynamics which leads to a seemingly simple result will mistake these statements about the four types of personality changes for a complete revelation of their dynamics." In keeping with her holistic orientation, which also means a mental hygiene viewpoint, she suggests that prophylaxis "at p u b e r t y . . , comes too l a t e . . , prophylaxis can only be effective if it starts from the first

HAROLD KELMAN days of life. I t h i n k . . , its aim" might be formulated "in this way: to educate children in courage and endurance instead of filling them with fears." In keeping with her respect for health and illness, and the limitations of psychoanalytic therapy she added, "Difficulties of a minor nature may be cured by favorable life-circumstances... Clear-cut personality changes," she felt, required psychoanalysis but added, "We must not forget, however, that, even so, life may be the better therapist." In "The Neurotic Need for Love"xv Homey distinguished normal, neurotic and spontaneous love. Normal is "that which is usual in a given culture... In our culture the most important neurotic conflict is between a compulsive and inconsiderate desire to be the first under all circumstances and the simultaneous need to be loved by everybody." " L o v e . . . is the capacity to give spontaneously of oneself either to people or to a cause, or to an idea, instead of retaining everything for oneself in an egocentric way." In this paper Homey delineates in detail the nature of compulsiveness as differentiated from being spontaneous. Such a sharp, clear and conflictual contrast did not exist for Freud who saw "no fundamental difference between the pathologic and the 'normal.' " "The Neurotic Need for Love"XV could be seen as "an expression of a 'mother fixation' " but Homey feels Freud's concept does not clarify. The fundamental questions remain "unanswered. What are the dynamic factors which maintain in later life an attitude acquired in childhood, or which make it impossible to let go of this infantile attitude?" Already in "The Problem of Feminine Masochism"XlII Homey said, "It is one of the great scientific merits of Freud to have vigorously stressed the tenacity of childhood impressions; yet psychoanalytic experience shows also that an emotional reaction which has once occurred in childhood is maintained throughout life only if it continues t o be supported by various dynamically important drives." There must be present not only the original conditioning factors but also perpetuating ones; otherwise the original conditioning factors become modified, transformed and mitigated by life as therapist, a fact to which Homey frequently alluded. Earlier mention was made of Freud's statements in "Female Sexuality''32 that "Some authors are inclined to disparage the

importance of the child's first, most primal libidinal impulses," that we felt he was referring to Homey, and also that these statements were inaccurate. These further comments by Horney would seem to substantiate this position. Homey attempted to give the early conditioning factors for a neurotic need for love their proportionate weight while further questioning the libido theory. Freud, she said, woutd certainly see "the increased need for love" as "a libidinal phenomenon... because to him affection is in itself an aiminhibited sexual desire. It seems to me, though, that this concept is unproven, to say the l e a s t . . . The neurotic need for l o v e . . . could represent," if one emphasizes the "insatiability" attribute, "an expression of an oral fixation or a 'regression.' This concept presupposes a willingness to reduce complex psychological phenomena to physiological factors. I believe this assumption is not only untenable but that it makes the understanding of psychological phenomena even more difficult." In calling into question so many aspects of the libido theory, the very notion of libido, libidinal stages and, in fact, the premises of the whole theory, and of fixation and regression; in postulating human spontaneity as an autonomous driving force as primary and not id instincts; in allowing for the possibility of life as therapist as well as perpetuator and exaggerator of early developmental disturbances; Homey is also questioning Freud's notion of repetition compulsion. The very notion of "blockages''is instead of "resistance," and of "blockages of development" instead of "fixation" and "regression" are in direct opposition to the notion of repetition compulsion and of strict determinism which Freud premised. In the spirit and ways she used the methodologies of the natural sciences, Homey was a phenomenologist which means rigorous description of the phenomenon, described as to fact without assumption or presupposition. Throughout the papers on feminine psychology, Homey used various aspects of the phenomenological approach. Her description of the phenomenon of masochism is an excellent example. Even some of Horney's severest critics expressed appreciation for the phenomenologic analysis of the neurotic process in ~Yeurosis and Human Growth. In addition to the phenomenological

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approach, the existential one was present from her first paper on feminine psychology. In it Homey refers to "an ontogenetic repetition of a phylogenetic experience." The biological notion, no longer held, that ontogeny recapitulates phylogeny is here. Howevery, she uses ontology in the existential sense. Ontology is the study and philosophy of the nature of being, of human being and being human. Increasing references to ontology in this latter meaning appear in subsequent papers. Ontology clearly differentiates being from having and by implication, from doing. In The Dread o[ Woman Homey said, "Now one of the exigencies of the biological differences between the sexes is this: that the man is actually obliged to go on proving his manhood to the woman. There is no analogous necessity for her; even if she is frigid, she can engage in sexual intercourse and conceive and bear a child. She performs her part by merely being, without any doing--a fact which has always filled men with admiration and resentment. The man on the other hand has to do something in order to fulfill himself. The ideal of 'efficiency' is a typlcal masculine ideal" in the male dominated society in the Western world, oriented toward the materialistic and the mechanistic, toward action based on a universe divided into subjects and objects in opposition, into doers and ones done to. The condition of being a person who is a male in sexual intercourse, and this extends to all forms of intercourse, is that he shall be on top, active, penetrating and proving his potency. The proof of his masculine potency is the obvious responsiveness of the female, as bodily orgasm, with an emphasis on manifest intensity and obvious verbal assertions and protestations of this intensity. But even all these overt evidences may not be proof and may take in even a very experienced male because they could all be feigned. This happens because woman is a mysterious being, whose genitalia are concealed and whose responses are enigmatic. She becomes a person who is a female by virtue of being supine, on her back, passive, as the male sees it, receiving, taking and possessing. Ancient myths still operative and Freudian theory support such viewpoints regarding women. That existentially there is being, as people, common to both; that there is meeting, 18!

Begegnung, confrontation in an I-thou relationship (Buber) as people in all forms of intercourse, including sexual is alien to our Western world outlook which sees the universe as divided into subjects and objects in opposition to one another. In :The Xeurotic JYeed for Love "creature anxiety (Angst der Kreatur)... a general human phenomenon" and an explicit existentim notion forms the core of Horney's concept of "basic anxiety" which is constituted of feelings of helplessness and isolation in a world felt as potentially hostile. The difference between the healthy person and the neurotic is that in the latter this basic anxiety is increased. He may be unaware of it but it will manifest itself in a variety of ways and he will attempt to ward off such feelings with a host of defenses.

CONCLUSION

In this series of papers Horney's evolving ideas on feminine psychology are reflected, her differences with Freud are defined and the emergence of her own views on the theory and practice of psychoanalysis are noted. While developing her ideas, those aspects of her holistic philosophy and the positive aspects of her approach to psychoanalysis were present, operating and maturing. Having confronted Freud's male-oriented psychology with her own on so-called female psychology, the way had been prepared for a philosophy, psychology and psychoanalysis of whole persons, living, being and interacting with changing environments which had their impact on them, which they in turn influenced. I feel a study of Horney's papers on feminine psychology is an invitation and an opportunity to accompany a woman of wisdom and experience on a voyage of discovery and creation while searching for better ways t o alleviate human suffering. The closing sentence of JYeurosis and Human Growth31 fittingly convey the spirit, the method and the efforts displayed in these papers and in her whole life's work: "Albert Schweitzer uses the terms 'optimistic' and 'pessimistic' in the sense of 'world and life affirmation' and 'world and life negation.' Freud's philosophy, in this deep sense, is a pessimistic one. Ours, with all its cognizance of the tragic element in neurosis, is an optimistic one."

HAROLD KELMAN

X Psychogenic Factors in Functional Female Disorders. Am. J. Obs. & Gyn., XXV:694-703, 1933. XI Maternal Conflicts. Am. J. Orthopsych., III:455-463, 1933. XII The Overvaluation of Love. A Study of a Common Present-Day Feminine Type. Psychoan. Quart., 111:605-638,

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Feminine Psychology

Table of Contents I On the Genesis of the Castration Complex in Women. Int. J. Psychoanal., V., Part 1, 50-65, 1924. (Zur Genese der weiblichen Kastrationskomplexes. Inter. Zeitschr. f. Psychoanal. IX:12-26, 1923.) II The Flight from Womanhood. Int. J. Psychoanal., VII:324-339, 1926. (Flucht aus der Weiblichkeit. Intern. Zeitschr. L Psychoanal. XII:360-374, 1926.) III Inhibited Femininity. Psychoanalytic Contributions to the Problems of Frigidity. (Gehemmte Weiblichkeit. Psychoanalytischer Beitrag zum Problem der Frigidit~it. Zeitschr. f. Sexualwissenschaft. XIII:67-77, 192627.) (Translated from the German.) IV The Problem of the Monogamous Ideal. Int. J. Psychoanal., IX:318-331, 1928. V Premenstrual Tensions. (Die pr/imenstrnellen Verstimmungen. Zeitschr. f. Psychoanal. P~idagogik, V:l-7, 1931.) (Translated from the German.) VI The Distrust between the Sexes. (Das Misstrauen zwischen den Geschlechtern. Die _~rztin, VII:5-12, 1931.) (Translated from the German.) VII Problems of Marriage. (Zur Problematik der Ehe. Psychoanal. Bewegung. IV:212-223, 1932.) (Translated from the German.) VIII The Dread of Women. Observations on a Specific Difference in the Dread Felt by Men and by Women Respectively for the Opposite Sex. Int. J. Psychoanal., XIII:348-360, 1932. (Die Angst vor der Frau. Ober einen spezifisehen Unterschied in der m/innlichen und weiblichen Angst vor dem anderen Gesehlecht. Intern. Zeitschr. f. Psychoanal. XVIII:5-18, 1932.) IX The Denial of the Vagina. A Contribution to the Problem of the Genital Anxieties Specific to Women. Int. J. Psychoanal., XIV:57-70, 1933. (Die Verleugnung der Vagina. Ein Beitrag zur Frage der spezifisch, weiblichen Genltalangst. Intern. Zeitschr. f. Psychoanal. XIX:372-384, 1933.)

1934.

XIII The Problem of Feminine Masochism. Psychoan. Rev., XX!I:241-257, 1935. XIV Personality Changes in Female Adolescents. Am. J. Orthopsych., V:19-26, 1935. XV The Neurotic Need for Love. (Das neurotische Liebesbediirfnis. Zentrabl. f. Psychother., X:69-82, 1937.) (Translated from the German.)

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OTHER REFERENCES

1. Freud, S.: An Autobiographical Study. London: Hogarth Press, 1936, 133, 132. 2. Horney, K.: The Technique of Psychoanalytic Therapy. (Die Technik der psychoanalytischen Therapie.) Zeitschr. f. Sexualwissenschaft. IV:6-18, 1917. 3. Oberndoff, C. P.: Obituary, Karen Homey. Int. J. Psychoanal., XXXIV, Part II, 1953. 4. Freud, S.: Moses and Monotheism. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1939; Vintage Books, 1955. 5. Powdermaker, H.: Stranger and Friend, The Way of an Anthropologist. New York: W. W. Norton, 1966, 808. 6. Kelman, H.: Psychoanalysis: Some Philosophical Trends. In, Frontiers of Psychoanalysis, Ed., J. Marmor. New York: Basic Books, 1967, Abridged Version. 7. Kuhn, T. S.: The Structure of Scientific Revolutions. Chicago, II1.: The University of Chicago Press, First Phoenix Edition, 1964, p. 159. 8. Fromm, E.: Sigmund Freud's Mission. New York: Harper & Bros., 1959. 9. Alexander, F. and Selesnick, S. T.: The History of Psychiatry. New York: Harper & Row, 1966, 186, 187. I0. Freud, S.: The Complete Introductory Lectures on Psychoanalysis. New York: W. W. Norton, 1966, 645. 11. Kelman, H.: Psychoanalysis and the Study of Etiology: A Definition o f Terms. In, The Etiology of the Neuroses.

KAREN HORNEY ON FENIININ~.PSYCHOLOGY Ed., J. H. Merin. Palo Alto, Calif.: Science and Behavior Books, 1966, 141148. 12. Weaver, W.: Confessions of a ScientistHumanist. Saturday Review, May 28, 1966, 12-15. 13. Homey, K.: Biography. In, Current Biography, Vol. 11, No. 8, 27-29, (August) 1941, New York: H. W. Wilson Company. 14. Abraham, K. and Mosbacher, E.: The Letters of Sigmund Freud and Karl Abraham, 1907-1926, New York: Basic Books, i965. Karl Abraham: In, Psychoanalytic Pioneers by Alexander, F., Eisenstein, S., and Grotjahn, M., Eds. ,New York: Basic Books, 1966. 15. Sachs, H.: Freud, Master and Friend. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1946; Sachs, H.: In, Psychoanalytic Pioneers. Cf. 14 above. 16. Deutsch, H.: Psychology of Women, Vols. I and II. New York: Grune & Stratton, 1945. In, Psychoanalytic Pioneers. Cf. 14 above. 17. Greenson, R. R.: The Classic Psychoanalytic Approach. In, The American Handbook of Psychiatry. Ed., S. Arleti. New York: Basic Books, 1959, Ch. 69, 1399-1416. 18. Kelman, H. and Vollmerhausen, J. W.: On Horney's Psychoanalytic Techniques, Developments and Perspectives. In, Psychoanalytic Techniques, Ed., B. B. Wolman. New York: Basic Books, 1967. 19. Munroe, R. L.: Schools of Psychoanalytic Thought. New York: The Dryden Press, 1955, 458. 20. Homey, K.: The Neurotic Personality of Our Time. New York: W. W. Norton, 1937, Ch. VII. 21. Homey, K.: New Ways in Psychoanalysis. New York: W. W. Norton, 1989, Ch. X. 22. Fine, R.: Freud: A Critical Re-evaluation of His Theories. New York: David MeKay Publishing. Tartan Paperback, I962, Ch. V.

23. Freud, S.: The Infantile Genital Organization of the Libido (1923). Collected Papers, Vol. II. London: Hogarth Press, 1933, 247. 24. Zilboorg, G.: Male and Female. Psychiatry, VII, 275-296, 1944. 25. Bose, G.: Bose-Freud Correspondence. Samiksa, I0, 1935. Letter of April I1, 1929. See also Bose Special Number, Samiksa, 1955. 26. Singh, K.: The Women of India. The New York Times Magazine, March 13, 1966. 27. Freud, S.: Some Psychological Consequences of the Anatomical Distinction between the Sexes. Collected Papers, Vol. V. London: Hogarth Press, 1956, 191, 196, 197. 28. Abraham, K.: Manifestations of the Female Castration Complex. In, Selected Papers of Karl Abraham. London: Hogarth Press, 1927, 339. 29. Mead, M.: Male and Female. New York: William Morrow, 1949. 30. Bettelheim, B.: Symbolic Wounds, Puberty Rites and the Envious Male. New York: Collier Books, BS554, 1962, 22, 19, 150. 31. Homey, K.: Neurosis and Human Growth. New York: W. W. Norton, 1956, 19. 32. Freud, S.: Female Sexuality (1931). Collected Papers, Vol. 4, London: Hogarth Press, 1956, 254, 271-2, 269, 258. 33. Freud, S.: Analysis Terminable and Interminable (1937). Collected Papers, Vol. V, London: Hogarth Press, 1956, 355-357. 34. Freud, S.: An Outline of Psychoanalysis. New York: W. W. Norton, 1949. Introductory Note, 29, 107. 35. Freud, S.: The Sexual Enlightenment of Children (1907). Collected Papers. Vol. II, London: Hogarth Press, 1933, 36-44. 36. Homey, K.: Our Inner Conflicts. New York: W. W. Norton, 1943, 48, 49.

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