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university if they met the other requirements. The constitution of the university asserts that: "provided that if the number of persons applying for admission as students of the university at any time shall exceed the number of vacancies then available the university may then in its discretion give preference to such persons as are domiciled in the Federation of Malaysia, Singapore, Brunei, North Borneo and Sarawak, over persons not so domiciled." The University of Malaysia has maintained a very close relation with the University of Singapore despite the separation of the two states. The University of Malaysia sends students to Singapore to study in the departments of pharmacy, dentistry, social science, philosophy and law, while Singapore students come to the University of Malaysia to study engineering and agriculture. POLAND

THE AFTERMATH OF D Z I A D Y During the third week in February, Warsaw students gathered signatures for a protest against the prohibition of Adam Mickiewicz's D z i a d y ? 1 A student, who had been fined 2,500 zlotys for participation in the demonstration of 30 January which followed the last performance of the Mickiewicz play, was shortly thereafter awarded 2,500 zlotys by the council of his faculty at the University of Warsaw in recognition of the quality of his academic work. In the first week of March, Professor Leszek Kolakowski, who had been dismissed from the Polish Workers' Party in 1966,33 spoke at a special meeting of the Writers' Congress and said that the Gomulka regime had damaged Polish cultural life. He pointed out that free discussion was being suppressed and that criticism in all spheres of cultural life was being rendered impossible. He asked: " I s this really socialism?" On 8 March, 4,000 students demonstrated on the Warsaw University campus for two hours in support of their two fellow students, Adam Michnik and Henryk Szlaifer, who had been dismissed, and the six who awaited disciplinary proceedings for participation in the 30 January demonstration. They had marched to the rector's building, calling on the rector, Dr. Stanislaw Turski, to meet them. Their spokesman said: " I n fighting for Mickiewicz's play, we are fighting for independence and freedom and for the democratic traditions of our country. In doing this, we are also fighting for the working class since there can be no bread without liberty, no studies without liberty ". The last phrases were taken up by the demonstrators who chanted " N o bread without freedom, no study without freedom ", " W e want D z i a d y " and " L o n g live the writers ". When the pro-rector, Professor Zygmunt Rybicki, came out to see them in place of the rector, he was greeted with whistles arid shouts. Professor Rybicki told them that their demonstration, not having been authorised, was illegal 3~ and proposed a meeting with representatives of the students on 11 March. The students agreed after being assured that no action would be taken against their representatives and that their identification documents would not be taken away. In the meantime, the university grounds were penetrated by large numbers of agents of the security services. Professor Bobrowski, an economist, and Professor Herbst, an historian, tried to get the "factory activists " (workers' militia) to depart in the buses 31 C]. Minerva, VI, 3 (Spring, 1968), p. 463. 32 Cf. Minerva, V, 2 (Winter, 1967), p. 304, and V, 3 (Spring, 1967), pp. 443-444.

33 When he said this, the students shouted " Constitution.* Constitution!"

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in which they had come and to release the students whom the plain clothes men had seized in the course of skirmishes at various points on the campus and who had been locked into the buses. Their efforts were successful and the buses began to depart, until a hail of snowballs and cries of "Fascist!", " G e s t a p o ! " broke out. Professor Bobrowski then asked the students to disperse so that he could speak quietly with their representatives. The students were so delighted with his action on their behalf that they carried him, shouting " S t o lat!" (" May he live a hundred years "). Just then special force police, helmeted and carrying truncheons, came onto the campus and attacked the demonstrators very vehemently. Professor Bobrowski himself was manhandled. The students ran off in all directions, some jumping off the cliff at the back of the campus. Others regrouped in the streets outside the campus and marched towards the centre of Warsaw. While all this was going on, police sealed off the Polytechnic and confiscated the students' identity cards. Nonetheless, at about 5.30 p.m. about 3,000 polytechnicians reached the edge of the university campus where they were violently attacked by the police. Later scuffles occurred throughout the city, particularly near the residences of the students. At about 8 p.m., several hundred persons gathered around Mickiewicz's statue; the police again took strong action to disperse them. The Warsaw newspaper Zycie Warszawy said that the demonstrations were the work of irresponsible students and gangs of hooligans. The demonstrations, it said, had been led by a group of adventurers recruited from among the "gilded youth ". Three thousand students went to the Sejm to present a declaration of protest against the removal of Mickiewicz's play. Late in the night of 8 March, the police, it was reported, rearrested Messrs. Kuron and Modzelewski? ~ On 9 March, 3,000 students demonstrated on the Warsaw University campus to protest against the police attack of the preceding day. They burned copies of Zycie Warszawy and Sztandar Mlodych and then organised a procession through the city. As they moved into the city the police went into action against them. They replied with stones and bottles whereupon the police assailed them with rubber truncheons and tear gas bombs. The procession disintegrated and the police pursued the participants into alleys, doorways, churches, and apartment buildings with their truncheons swinging. Throughout the afternoon, police cars and vans searched the city for demonstrating students. Some of the students reassembled in the Polytechnic and shouted abuse at the police. Towards the evening, hundreds of students and police skirmished with each other at the entrance to the university. The police were unable to disperse the crowd. Later in the day, the students sent delegations to a number of factories and to the newspapers which had misreported the preceding day's events. They were received in a friendly way by the journalists. It was reported on 10 March that at least 10 students had been arrested in connection with the demonstrations of the two previous days and had been sentenced to imprisonment for up to six months on charges of hooliganism and insulting the police. It was also believed that about 400 students had been arrested. In one of their resolutions, the students said: " W e think that it is high time that our movement should cease to be characterised as an adventure of teddy boys and anarchists; our demonstrators are human beings whose first concern is socialism and democracy."

~ Cf. Minerva, V, 2 (Winter, 1967), p. 304.

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On 11 March, Trybuna Ludu said that the disturbances had been caused by hotheads who had been agitating at the university for some years. They were mostly the sons of persons in high positions. The names of the following were cited: Alexander Smolar, son of the chief editor of a newspaper and an active participant in the Babel Club, a Jewish cultural society; Wiktor Gorecki, son of a director-general of the Finance Ministry; H e n r y k Szlaifer, son of the censor in the main office for press control; Katarzyna Werfel, daughter of the former editor of Trybuna Ludu. The organ of Pax, Slovo Powszechne, tried to link the demonstration with Zionism and the Federal G e r m a n Republic. On 11 March, just after midday, large contingents of volunteer auxiliary police occupied the campus of Warsaw University. Lectures were cancelled. The gate to the university campus was blocked by a vehicle to prevent it from being forced open. In some faculties, students had discussions with the deans. A meeting of the university senate was announced for the afternoon. In the afternoon of 11 March, 10,000 students demonstrated again in front o f the university entrance. When the police arrived they were hissed and booed. Morning papers were burned and the national anthem sung. Passing police cars were greeted with shouts of " G e s t a p o , Gestapo "; others cried "Constitution ", " D e m o c r a c y " and " L o n g live Czechoslovakia ". Inside the university, at a meeting of 2,000 students and teachers, student representatives demanded to know who summoned the police to the university on 8 March and allowed them to enter the university. They demanded also the release of Michnik and Szlaifer, and of all other arrested students. A t about 2.30 p.m., the police attacked the demonstrators with tear gas and rubber truncheons and dispersed them. In the afternoon, when most Warsaw factories and offices had closed, many thousands of persons converged on the headquarters of the United Workers' Party Central Committee. There they were attacked by police and a battle which lasted for about two hours ensued. The fighting broke off when more policemen arrived with a water gun truck and a multiple tear gas launcher. Almost as soon as the fighting ended, hundreds of young people began to gather near the Mickiewicz statue. There they made barricades with p a r k benches and armed themselves with pieces of wood taken from a cinema which they had broken into. Police drove them away from the monument; they then took refuge in the Old Town where they remained until 9 p.m. On the evening of 11 March, demonstrators broke into a building of the Ministry of Culture in Warsaw and smashed furniture, pieces of which they used as weapons against the police. On 11 March, students of the Warsaw College of Planning and Statistics drew up the following m e m o r a n d u m : To the Sejm (Parliament) of the Polish People's Republic; to the Central Committee of the Communist Party; to the authorities for higher education in Warsaw; to the people of Warsaw. Through the rector of the College of Planning and Statistics: On 11 March, 1968, there took place a general meeting of students, assistant lecturers, and the professorial body of the college. The immediate cause of the meeting was the events that have taken place during the last few days in student circles in Warsaw. At this meeting it was decided to send, through the rector of the college, a resolution to the above-mentioned authorities: We declare that, in deep concern for the democratic shape of socialism and dissociating ourselves from the irresponsible provocations of political elements, we stand in solidarity with all the students of Warsaw's higher educational institutions. We protest against attempts to set student youth against society in general, and in particular against the working class.

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We decidedly condemn the brutal actions of uniformed and non-uniformed functionaries of the militia, and the volunteer reserves of the militia, towards demonstrating students. We demand the severe punishment of those responsible for initiating this action and their public condemnation. We demand the immediate release of aU arrested scientific workers and students, and we also demand that they should not be subject to disciplinary measures and that their documents be returned to them. We demand the prohibition of the intervention of plain clothes militia functionaries in the compounds of higher educational institutions. We demand the correction in the Warsaw press of false and insulting information about the causes and the course of events. We demand a limitation to the activities controlling the press, publications, and theatrical performances. We demand the observance of the rights and liberties of citizens, as guaranteed by the Polish constitution. We submit this request for the publication of this letter in the student and daily press. Considering this form of presenting student demands as in accordance with the principles of the rule of law, we appeal to students of Warsaw's higher educational institutions to use similar methods. The Polish press continued to imply that the demonstrators were part of a larger conspiratorial opposition which was recruited from circles of frustrated political failures; the demonstrating students, it was intimated, lack all ties with the ordinary people of Poland. This corresponds to the policy, which has been followed for some time by the " p a r t i s a n " group and which is now used by the government, of trying to spread distrust of students and their privileged parents among peasants, workers and clerical employees, and of pointing to the Jewish origins of some of the leading students in the movement of protest. Nothing was said in the press about the fact that the leaders of the demonstrating students are democratic or humanist Marxists, followers of Kolakowski and admirers of K u r o n and Modzelewski, who have been arguing for a greater measure of democracy in Poland. According to reports in Warsaw on 11 March, four students were brought before the court; three were sentenced to six months each and one to one month of imprisonment. Five others were being held pending investigation. On 12 March, Warsaw papers reported that 300 demonstrators had been arrested, and that 27 police, eight auxiliary police and 20 " f a c t o r y activists " (workers' militia) were injured. The press said that only 30 of the arrested were students, the rest were either " w o r k - s h y h o o l i g a n s " from the suburbs of Warsaw or secondary school pupils. On 12 March, meetings were organised in factories at which the demonstrators were denounced; slogans were shouted such as : " D o w n with Zionism "; " D o w n with the new fifth column." The press warned that the authorities would tolerate no new disturbances of public order and threatened severe consequences for the demonstrators and their parents. The Warsaw party first secretary, Josef Kepa, said that there would be a strict scrutiny and purging of the university administration. H e said that the administrators and some of the professors, particularly those in the economics, philosophy and history faculties, had not taken strong enough action against " p o l i t i c a l diversionists" in the university. H e singled out K u r o n and Modzelewski to illustrate his contention. On the evening of 12 March, the Polish news agency announced that Jan Grudzinski, under-secretary of state at the Ministry of Forestry and W o o d Industry, Jan Gorecki, director-general of the Ministry of Finance, and F r y d e r y k Topolski, government plenipotentiary for the dispersal of industry

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in Warsaw, had been dismissed from their posts. Their children were said to be among the leaders of the recent student demonstrations. On 12 March, several thousand students gathered in the courtyard of the Polytechnic to hear that the rector had not accepted their proposal because it had been sent forward only from a single faculty and could not therefore be regarded as r e p r e s e n t a t i v e . The students then designated a committee of representatives of the faculties which prepared a new version, much like that submitted on 11 March (which was similar to that drafted by the School of Planning and Statistics). It differed from the earlier version by adding a point regarding the need to observe article 71 of the constitution which protects the right of expression, thought and assembly. Another meeting for 13 March was planned; the rector promised to attend. Reports came from Lublin that students of the Lublin Higher Engineering School had demonstrated and that some had been arrested. There were also incidents at the Marie Curie-Sklodowska University in Lublin. In Gdafisk, students demonstrated in the streets and came into conflict with the security force. Kurier Polska charged certain leading intellectuals, including Professors Kolakowski, Brus and A d a m Schaff, with instigating the student demonstrations. On 13 March, several thousand students of the Jagiellonian University in Cracow fought with police. The vice-rector, Professor Estreicher, who is sympathetic to the students, was also knocked about by the police. They carried banners saying: " T h e press lies ", " W a r s a w , you are not alone." In Warsaw quiet prevailed; 20 lorries full of steel-helmeted police assembled near the university but they took no action. The students were awaiting the reply of the authorities to their demands. The statement of demands had gone to the Sejm, to the Minister of Education and to the press, as well as to the vicerector. The vice-rector had refused to accept the resolution adopted at a meeting by several thousand students and by the senate on the grounds that it did not represent all the students of the university. A t the Polytechnic in Warsaw, 8,000 students met and unanimously passed a resolution demanding the observance of article 71 of the constitution which guarantees freedom of speech and assembly. They also demanded that their fellows who had been arrested be charged and given public trials and that the security police be removed from the Polyteclmie. The rector accepted their resolution with a few amendments and agreed to transmit it to the senate. He was said to have assured them that he would be willing to hold regular discussions with properly elected delegates but that he must first obtain the agreement of the senate. H e also criticised the violation of the premises of the Polytechnic by police on 9 March. A procession of 300 students of the Mickiewicz University in Poznafi was dispersed by the police. The students had intended to present a declaration to the rector expressing their sympathy with the Warsaw students; 88 students were arrested of whom 14 were still detained on 16 March. In L6ds 30 students were arrested. It was also reported that students met in Gliwice, Gdafisk, Ldd~., Szczecifi, Bialystok, and Wroctaw to express sympathy with the Warsaw students. On 15 March, students at Warsaw began a sporadic strike. The main gate to the university was closed and non-students were prevented from entering. Some did not attend classes, others sat in lectures with arms folded and refused to take notes. A t a meeting of several thousand students in the main amphitheatre of the university, which was also attended by some of the teaching staff and the rector, a proposal was made to strike on 18 March if by that l i m e the government had not indicated who had given the order for the police

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to enter the university on 8 March and if it did not release a list of those arrested and injured. A resolution was drawn up to persuade the workers that the students were not being misled by a small group of Zionists and literary men as the press contended, but had real grievances. The rector declared that the memorandum submitted to the senate by the representatives of each faculty was "illegal "; it was only " a scrap of paper ". In Cracow, the students of the university began a two-day strike on 15 March. Lecture rooms were empty in protest against the refusal of the press to publish the resolution which the students had sent to them. The Union of Socialist Youth, the official youth organisation, collapsed into disarray during the period of the demonstrations; its spokesmen were shouted down at meetings and some members turned in their cards. The Union of Fighters for Freedom and Democracy, which is led by General Moczar, Minister of the Interior, demanded the removal of university professors who had exploited their positions to indoctrinate students with "pernicious theories ". On 16 March, the rector of the Polytechnic, Dr. Smolenski, informed the students that although he considered their delegation illegal, he would always be ready to receive it and would try to guarantee their immunity. He promised to try to meet their demands for the release of imprisoned students, to obtain indemnities for injuries, to bring about the departure of plain clothes police from the campus, to have the discipline committee hold its hearings in public and to protect the security of tenure of those teachers and assistants at the Polytechnic who supported the students. He also gave an account of his conversation with First Secretary Gomulka, who told him that he could say nothing at that time since he daily received hundreds of contradictory resolutions but that he would make a statement shortly. The rector asked the students to put off their strike until noon on 20 March; the students agreed. It was reported on 17 March that teachers of biophysics and biochemistry in Warsaw had passed a resolution censuring the "brutal action of the police, as well as the principle of collective guilt which was being applied to parents of students engaged in acts of protest ". Teachers of mathematics and physics are likewise said to have criticised the methods of the police and the unjustified intrusion into university premises. On 18 March, it was announced that Mr. Roman Zambrowski had been expelled from his post as vice-chairman of the supreme state auditing commission; he is Jewish and his son was alleged to be a leader in the student protest. United Workers' Party leaders and the Polish press continued to make aspersions against the students who were leading the protest and those teachers whom they esteemed and who were sympathetic to them. The most common accusation is to link them with Zionism and the Federal German Republic in conspiratorial machinations. Explicit anti-semitic observations and proposals have become quite common in these authoritative statements. On 19 March, Mr. Gomulka denounced Jewish intellectuals as being enemies of Poland's alliance with the Soviet Union. They should go to Israel since they did not feel themselves to be Poles. He attacked Professors Kolakowski, Baczko and others who were trying to form a legalised opposition in the philosophical faculty of Warsaw University. About the students themselves, he said that the party would consider all their resolutions; their grievances would be dealt with when calm was restored. Their demands contained genuine and spurious grievances, for example, it was unthinkable for the party, as the students claimed, to try to set the workers against the students. At the university, 3,000 students met and decided, before taking strike

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action, to await the reply of the authorities to the m e m o r a n d u m of the Polytechnic students, which was very similar to their own. N o representative of the government came to their meeting although several had been invited. On 20 March, the rector of the Polytechnic told a meeting of several thousand students that their meeting scheduled for that day was illegal because the authorities--Mr. G o m u l k a - - h a d already dealt with their demands. He also said he could no longer meet their delegations. Later in the afternoon, Polytechnic students decided to hold a 48-hour " s i t - i n " strike on 21-22 March because their resolution had not been printed in the press or broadcast on television as they had insisted; Mr. Gomulka's references to the students' protests in his address on 19 March were not regarded as adequate. Official notices signed by Rectors Smolenski and Turski were posted throughout the university and the Polytechnic on 21 March warning of "serious consequences ", including expulsion, if the students continued their agitation. The rectors' statement acknowledged that there were serious problems which should be discussed by themselves and the students but that this could be done only in a calm atmosphere. The gates of Warsaw University were locked by the university authorities. Students milled around the streets near the university and some climbed over the fences to enter the university grounds. In the evening they began a 36-hour strike. A t the Polytechnic, 5,000 students began their " s i t - i n " strike. After a time it was apparent that, although a very large proportion of the 14,000 students of the Polytechnic were abstaining from classes, the following of the " sit-in" strike was much smaller. They hung signs o u t of the windows: " W e want exact information ", " S t o p deceiving our parents, the peasants and workers ", " N o t bread without freedom ", " W e know who is for the people ", "Socialism-democracy." On the evening of 22 March, the Polish government issued an ultimatum, which was broadcast on television, to the " sitters-in" to end their strike. Steel-helmeted riot police were massed around the Polytechnic. A t 9 p.m., an hour after the ultimatum was pronounced, a student appeared on the balcony of the main building of the Polytechnic and said that the 4,000 students would continue their " sit-in " until 8 a.m. next morning. There was a large crowd gathered around the front of the Polytechnic while he made his statement and it remained for several hours. Several hundreds were still there at midnight. Outsiders brought food parcels for the students. The television broadcast a warning by Rector Smolenski that unless the strike were immediately halted the strikers would be suspended and would have to apply for readmission. H e also said that, if the strikers did not evacuate the building by 9 p.m. that evening, teaching at the Polytechnic would be suspended. Students of the Jagiellonian University of Cracow refused to heed Mr. G o m u l k a ' s appeal to them to return to classes. Instead they sat in the corridors. It is understood that the parents of certain students active in the boycott of classes at Cracow received letters informing them that their offspring would be expelled unless they ceased their agitation and resumed their studies. On 23 March, the "sit-in " strike at the Polytechnic was abandoned after militia entered the campus and teachers advised the students to give up the strike. Classes were resumed in all except the main building. Wroclaw University students distributed a leaflet saying that " w e will not allow our demands to be reduced to problems of Zionism, the power struggle between factions and hooliganism ". It proclaimed loyalty to the " t i e s of friendship with the Soviet Union . . . . The example of Czechoslovakia proves indisputably that reforms in the spirit of the democratisation of the country's domestic life are in accord with the principles of socialism ".

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On 25 March, Professor Zolkiewski, secretary of the social sciences section of the Polish Academy of Sciences, was dismissed from his post. It was said that Professor Zolkiewski, who is of Jewish origin, had commented that the recent anti-Zionist agitation provoked by the student protest was in fact antisemitism. H e was formerly a member of the Central Committee of the United Workers' Party and Minister of Higher Education. Also dismissed from their posts were the following: Professor Leszek Kolakowski (who had been expelled from the United Workers' Party in 1966); Professor Bronislaw Baczko, a specialist in eighteenth century French philosophy, particularly J.-J. Rousseau; Professor Stefan Morawski, who had written on Marxist aesthetics; Professor Wlodzimierz Brus, a leading Polish economist; and associate professors Zygmunt Bauman, a sociologist who had been charged by Trybuna Ludu (22 March) with being too influenced by American sociologists and Professor Claude Lrvi-Strauss, and Maria Hirszowicz, an historian. The statement announcing their dismissal charged them with being protectors and defenders of the " students, primarily J e w i s h " who had organised the recent student agitation. The dismissed professors had " f o r some years transformed their faculty into a centre of political o p p o s i t i o n " and " c h o s e n the path of struggle against state and party policies by adopting a revisionist standpoint. Recent events demonstrate that activities and attitudes directed against state policy cannot be tolerated in institutions of higher education, particularly in faculties of great ideological and political importance " Concurrently with the dismissals, Trybuna Ludu published a long and conciliatory reply to the memorandum of the Polytechnic students; it denied that workers were being set against students and affirmed the need for democratisation. Zycie Warszawy published the text of the Polytechnic memorandum, on which it commented point for point. It also accused the students of " p o l i tical na'ivet6" in following leaders who did not disclose their real aims. It said not all the arrested students could be released but that they would have public trials. On 28 March, 1,000 Warsaw University students met for three hours to protest against the dismissal of Professors Kolakowski et al. The rector had previously threatened to suspend the university if agitation continued; at 4.15 p.m. he cancelled classes and closed the university gates. H e also announced that he would take severe measures against the students who had participated in the meeting. The street in front of the university was patrolled by police in uniform and in civilian clothes. The students'who were on the campus when the gates were locked held a meeting in one of the lecture halls. A b o u t 1,500 were present; they reiterated their previous demands and added demands for the reinstatement of their dismissed teachers and for the release from military service of their fellow students who had been called up because of their participation in the protests. They also decided that in view of the Easter vacation they would allow the government until 22 April to meet their demands. On 28 March, The Times (London) published the following letter from Professor Robert McKenzie of the London School of Economics: A great many members of the academic community in Britain will have read today with the profoundest concern of the dismissal of seven Polish professors who have been under fire in Warsaw for their liberal views. Included among them are men of outstanding international reputations who have helped to raise the University of Warsaw to a position of pre-eminence in eastern Europe. One of their number who is well known to me personally, Professor Zygmunt Bauman, I would rate as one of the half-dozen outstanding sociologists in the communist world.

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The Polish Government must surely realise the harm these dismissals will do to the reputation they originally earned after 1956 for their concern for intellectual freedom. On 30 March, 34 students were expelled and 11 suspended from the University of Warsaw. Additional suspensions or expulsions were being considered. The rector also decided that from 30 March onwards the chairs of economics and econometrics in the faculty of economics, of philosophy and sociology in the faculty of philosophy, and of psychology in the faculty of education would be suspended. In addition to this, the third-year course in mathematics and physics in the faculty of mathematics and physics would be suspended. Students studying these subjects must make new applications for admission to other subjects. On 2 April, the main building of the Polytechnic reopened after having been closed for a week. Classes were resttmed in four faculties without untoward incidents. On 5 April, Professors Francois Jacob, Alfred Kastler, Andr6 Lwoff, Jacques Monod, all Nobel prizewinners, and Jean-Paul Sartre and Professor Laurent Schwartz issued a public statement expressing their disapproval of the dismissals of the six teachers at the University of Warsaw. On 6 April, the rector of the College of Film and Theatre, Jerzy Toeplitz, and the pro-rector, Roman Wajdowicz, were both dismissed from their posts; students of the college had participated in the recent student demonstrations. The following members of the editorial staff of the Great Polish Encyclopaedia --Stefan Staszewsld, Tadeusz Zabludowski, Jerzy Baumritter-- were dismissed and sanctions have been inflicted on three others--Leon Marszalek, Lucyna Majzner and Stefan Biernacki. Mr. Staszewski, a former Stalinist politician who became converted to liberalism in 1956, had been denounced since 11 March as one of the principal instigators of the student movement. There were also rumours that Professor Adam Schaff, director of the Institute of Philosophy of the Academy of Sciences and a member of the central committee of the United Workers' Party, had been dismissed from his post; Professor Schaff, who is a proponent of humanist Marxism, had been repeatedly criticised in party circles in connection with the student demonstration in March. Marian Treszel, professor of philosophy at the College of Pedagogy in Opole, was expelled from the United Workers' Party. In the Sejm on 10 April, Prime Minister Cyrankiewicz attacked the members of the Znak group, a small b o d y of liberal Roman Catholic members of parliament who had criticised the government for the harshness of police action vis-a-vis the students. Mr. Cyrankiewicz attacked the critics as "antiPolish" and as serving the purposes of "Zionist and imperialist circles ". He said that the police were charged with the responsibility for preventing anti-socialist demonstrations and had used force only when they had to do so. Other members of parliament attacked the liberal group whose criticism had disturbed the atmosphere in the country while the students were demonstrating. Professor Jozef Stanislaw Piatkowski, rector of the University of L6d~, was expelled from the Communist Party on the grounds that he had obstructed the efforts of the party and the youth organisation to bring the student demonstrations trader control in March. Raymond Gwozdz and Krysztof Zarnowiecki, heads of divisions of the Institute of Nuclear Research, were also expelled from the party for having deviated from the party line or for having expressed Zionist attitudes. On 17 April, Sztandar Mlodych announced that the applications for

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readmission to Warsaw University of 1,300 students, suspended after the demonstration on 28 March, were being considered by the authorities. On 18 April, Professor Juliusz Dobrowolski, deputy chief director of the chemistry section of the Institute of Nuclear Research, was dismissed from his position and expelled from the United Workers' Party. The party cell of the institute also confirmed the dismissal, two weeks previously, of Wilhelm Billig, head of the governmental office for the use of nuclear energy. Dr. Jerzy Szapiro, professor of neurosurgery and director of the clinic of the University of L6d2 medical faculty, was expelled from the party and his dismissal from his university post was recommended by the party cell of the faculty for having taken positions " i n conflict with the party line ". On 30 April, the Ministry of Higher Education announced that Dr. Julius Katz-Suchy, professor of the history of diplomacy and international relations in the faculty of law at the University of Warsaw had retired from his post. Professor Katz-Suchy, who is 56, had been the Polish representative at the United Nations until 1957 and Ambassador to India, as well as head of the press service of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. H e had recently been crificised for " h i s ambiguous political a t t i t u d e " toward the student demonstrations. On 6 May, The Times (London) published the following letter from Professor Harry Acton of Edinburgh University, Professor Stanislaw Andreski of Reading University, Professor A. J. Ayer of New College, Oxford, Professor R. C. Cross of Aberdeen University, Professor R a y m o n d Fletcher of Y o r k University, Professor M. F r e e d m a n of the London School of Economics, Professor M. Gaskin of Aberdeen University, Professor Julius G o u l d of Nottingham University, Dr. C. Lewy of Trinity College, Cambridge, Professor Agnes Headlam-Morley of St. Hugh's College, Oxford, Professor Richard Pear of Nottingham University, Professor Anthony Quinton of New College, Oxford, Professor J. Rex of D u r h a m University, Professor Isaac Schapera of the London School of Economics, Professor Edward Shils of King's College, Cambridge and the University of Chicago, Professor Hugh Thomas of Reading University and Professor A. G. W e r n h a m of Aberdeen University: We have learnt with dismay and indignation of the expulsion from the University of Warsaw on March 25 of six eminent scholars, some of them internationally famous. They are Professors Bronislaw Baczko, Leszek Kolakowski, Stefan Morawski, Zygmtmt Bauman, Maria Hirszowicz and Wlodzimierz Brus. At the same time, the former Minister of Education, Professor Stefan Zolkiewski, was ousted from the Academy of Sciences. All of them, like Socrates, have been accused of corrupting youth and the communiqu6 published in the official Trybuna Ludu (March 26) states that "the highest interests of the state and the nation" require that they should be "barred from influencing the education of youth" In 1956, at the time of the Polish "Spring in October ", Kolakowski was the conscience of Polish youth. Brus was one of the first, if not the first, economist in the whole of eastern Europe to propose the idea of economic reform, an idea which was later taken up in so many other countries of this area (but stifled in Poland). It is ironical that at the very moment when the struggle for political liberty and economic rationality is so successfully promoted by the Czech intellectuals, their Polish colleagues who share their attitudes and ideals, and who were the first in the field to make a bid for freedom, should be penalised for being faithful to their convictions and be expelled from the university. . . . During the last 12 years they have become familiar at international conferences and western universities to many of their professional colleagues, who have the highest regard for their scholarly standards and achievements . . . . We appeal to the Polish Government to restore these scholars to their former 9

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academic positions and to provide them with the conditions of work which are compatible with civilised standards . . . . On 10 May, the faculties of economics, sociology, psychology, philosophy and mathematics and physics of the University of Warsaw, which had been closed since the disturbances at the end of March, reopened. The 1,600 students of these faculties who were censured for their activities were given the right to apply for readmission; 73 were denied the right of rematriculation. The university administration stated that most of the applicants would be readmitted; the "inspirers and organisers of the student demonstrations" and those whose work had been deficient fell into another category. On 15 May, it was announced that financial assistance for university students would, beginning with the next academic session, be granted in the light of the students' academic achievements and their political conduct. A larger role in the allocation of bursaries is envisaged for the Union of Socialist Youth in association with the Ministry of Higher Education and youth organisations. Less weight would be attributed to proficiency in foreign languages. More weight would be attributed in admission decisions to lower class backgrounds than had been the case in the past. Ten per cent. of all university places would be reserved for offspring of workers, peasants, police, non-commissioned officers and members of the armed forces stationed in out-of-the-way places. Dr. Amsterdamski, dean of the faculty of philosophy and history and professor of philosophy at the University of Lrd~, was dismissed from his post and expelled from the United Workers' Party. PORTUGAL On 19 February, leaflets were distributed on the campus of the University of Lisbon appealing to students to participate in a demonstration on 21 February. On 21 February, 500 students tried to march to the American Embassy in Lisbon to protest against American policy in Vietnam. The police, armed with truncheons, tear gas bombs and rifles, attacked the students who scattered into the side streets. This was the first demonstration of its sort in Lisbon. SENEGAL Students of the University of Dakar demonstrated on 5 March in front of the medical school to protest against the presence of a South African delegation attending the second African Psychiatric Colloquium. On 18 May, Senegalese students of the University of Dakar conducted a four-hour strike in protest against the decision to reduce their scholarship grants by 22 per cent. and to have the grants cover only 10 months a year in contrast with 12 as had been the case hitherto. On 26 May, Mr. Mbow, Senegalese Minister of National Education, speaking on the radio, addressed himself to the students of the University of Dakar who had announced that they would begin a strike of unlimited duration on 27 May and boycott examinations. Analysing the causes of the strike, he said that certain European students at the university, as well as Africans, were extremely desirous of showing their solidarity with their French coevals. The Senegalese students wished to protest against the reduction in their grants which was introduced last October and which was only intended to affect students whose needs were less urgent. The minister appealed to the patriotic sentiments of the students and emphasised the large contribution which the government, despite its poverty, was making towards the support of education. The army had been notified to take immediate action against any demonstrations and to prevent any picketing or strikes. He said that foreigners, including

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Frenchmen, who became involved in such activities would be expelled from the country. On 27 May, under the leadership of the Union ddmocratique des dtudiants de Sdndgal, which is a semi-clandestine organisation, pickets were established before all the buildings of the University of Dakar, depriving most of the students of access to the faculties. According to a correspondent, substantial numbers of the Senegalese students were moderately favourable to the strike, while among the students from Mall and Guinea, as well as those from France, the support was very widespread. On the other hand, the Dahomeyan and Togolese students who two years ago were the focal point of agitation 3~ did not seem to have much interest in the strike. The Senegalese students who organised the strike attempted to establish contact with the trade union movement but a communiqu6 of the Union nationale des travailleurs de Sdndgal indicated that the intermittent efforts of some workers to show their solidarity with the students' demands had been suppressed by the trade union leaders. Picketing and demonstrations continued on 28 May. Since most classes had already concluded for the academic session, demonstrations and the threat of a boycott of examinations were the major elements of the U D E S programme. The government proceeded cautiously since it did not wish to have wasted the expenditures for the entire academic session, which would occur if students were to fail to take their examinations. President Senghor wished to use police to disperse pickets as soon as they appeared for the first time in front of the faculty buildings. In order to do so, however, he had to have the authorisation of the rector and for two days this was not forthcoming. It was only on 29 May that the university authorities informed the government that they could no longer control the situation and that the republican guards and the police should enter the campus. By this time, the agitation had spread to secondary school level, to trade unions and to the " lumpenproletariat" of unemployed young men in the medina. During these two days of respite, the students had made about 200 Molotov cocktails in the laboratories of the faculty of sciences. This arsenal was detected by the police and its use forestalled. On 29 May, the police used tear gas to evict students who were occupying certain university buildings. One person was killed and 50 wounded in the disturbances. Radio D a k a r said that President Senghor had decided to close the university indefinitely and to make all non-Senegalese students leave the country. All secondary schools were closed and their students sent home. On 30 May, a strike of unlimited duration was called by the Union des travailleurs de SdndgaI to protest against " t h e infringement of individual and democratic liberties ". President Senghor announced in a public message that the strike was illegal and the workers would not be paid for the time they had missed. The President also said that a number of persons who were at the centre of the agitation among students and workers were members of " t h e new opposition which claims to be inspired by Mao Tse Tung ". A curfew was declared later in the day. In Paris on 30 May, a large group of African students belonging to the F~ddration des dtudiants d'Afrique noire en France occupied buildings of the Senegalese Embassy in protest against the actions of the Senegalese Government. The occupiers demanded the rescinding of all " r e t r o g r a d e m e a s u r e s " taken by the government with respect to the autonomy of the university and the legitimate claims of the students. The occupying students withdrew when the ambassador agreed to transmit their message of protest to his government. 85 cf. Minerva, IV, 3 (Spring, 1966), pp. 445--446, and IV, 4 (Summer, 1966), pp. 594-595.

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On 31 May, economic life in Dakar stopped. The government acted swiftly; the trade union leaders of the revolt against the government were arrested and the government succeeded in preventing scattered outbreaks of violence from turning into large-scale riots. Peasants were brought in from the bush to testify to their loyalty to the President and to be on hand to help in the repression of further demonstrations. Another source of violence was among the young Lebanese and Syrians, despite the fact that the Senegalese Government has in recent years made particular efforts to maintain friendly relations with the Arab world and Arab nationals in Senegal. (The Arab-Islamic agitation in Senegal is directed against President Senghor as a "Christian friend of France ".) By the weekend of I June, order was well restored; at the beginning of the ensuing week there was a series of demonstrations in support of the government. On 6 June, students once more established pickets at the entrance to four faculties of the University of Dakar to protest against the reduction of their grants. No disturbances occurred. On 9 June, the government released all the students who had been arrested in connection with the demonstrations at the end of May. The last of the detained trade union leaders had been released on 8 June. O'n 13 June, President Senghor, addressing the nation on the wireless, announced that the University of Dakar would not be reopened until its structure had been sufficiently revised to permit a greater adaptation of its syllabus to "African realities ". (The correspondent of Le Monde, 15 June, said that this turning away from the French model which had hitherto dominated the university was not only inevitable but also owed some of its motivation to the attitude and direction of French members of the teaching staff and student body during the recent disturbances at the university.) SINGAPORE

Dr. Toh Chin Chye, the deputy Prime Minister of the Republic of Singapore and chairman of the ruling People's Action Party, has been appointed to the vice-chancellorship of the University of Singapore; while vice-chancellor, he will concurrently serve as Minister of Science and Technology. As minister, one of his tasks will be the coordination of the development of the University of Singapore, the Polytechnic, the Nanyang University and Ngee Ann College. Dr. Toh, who has served as deputy Prime Minister for nine years, has continued his research in physiology during much of his period in office and published a number of scientific papers. On 16 March, the University of Singapore Students' Union said that Dr. Toh's combination of the two posts was "incompatible with a thriving and independent academic community ". Its statement demanded the abofition of the Internal Security Amendment (1964) and the maintenance of the autonomy of the university. SOUTH AFRICA

Two hundred students of the University of Cape Town accompanied Dr. Raymond Hoffenberg to the airport as he prepared to depart from South Africa on 29 March. Since the South African government had rendered it impossible for Dr. Hoffenberg 36 to continue with his research because of his political attitudes, he had decided to leave South Africa permanently and to take a post offered him by the Medical Research Council in London. Sir Richard Luyt, vice-chancellor of the University of Cape Town, said that Dr. Hoffenberg's exile "marks the destruction of an important liberty ". 36 C]. Minerva, VI, 1 (Autumn, 1967), pp. 142-143, and VI, 2 (Winter, 1968), pp. 303-304.

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A t Seoul on 22 November, a tribunal declared that K i m Dai Soy of the faculty of medicine of the K y u n g p o o k University in Taegu was guilty of espionage on behalf of the N o r t h Korean government; he was said to have operated a wireless transmitter which sent information to Pyongyaug over a six-year period. He also organised an underground movement and aided N o r t h Korean troops and agitators to infiltrate into South Korea. He was condemned to death. On 13 December, two further death sentences were pronounced. They concerned Dr. Young Soo Jo who was a lecturer at the University of Seoul and ~ graduate of the University of Grenoble in political science 3r and Chung K y u Myong who had studied physics at the University of Frankfurt. Professor Chung H a Young, who holds a doctorate in political science from the University of Paris, and Professor Kang Bing Koo, who studied at the University of Dijon, were condemned to life imprisonment. Choi Jung Kil, a student at the University of Frankfurt, was sentenced to 10 years' imprisonment. A t another trial on 15 December, the prosecutor demanded life imprisonment for Professor Hwang Song Mo of the University of Seoul who is accused of having sponsored two mass demonstrations against the establishment of normal relations between South K o r e a and Japan. With him among the accused were six of his former students for whom the prosecutor sought sentences of seven to 15 years' imprisonment. Professor Chung H a Young, Professor Chtmg K y u Myong, physicist of the University of Frankfurt, and Professor Lira Suk Hoon, a student at the Technical University in West Berlin, were condemned to death by the appeals court in Seoul on about 11 April. The first of these had originally been condemned to life imprisonment, the last to a 10-year prison sentence. Only Professor Chung K y u Myong had been condemned to death by the lower court. Dr. Young Soo Jo, condemned to death by a lower court, h a d his sentence commuted to life imprisonment on appeal. Professor K a n g Bing Koo, trained at the University of Dijon, had his sentence of life imprisonment commuted to 10 years. SPAIN

A FURTHER DIGGING-IN OF HEELS A few hours after the reopening of the faculty of politics and economics of the University of Madrid on 15 February, following a 25-day suspension, it was once again d o s e d by the police. According to the administrative officer of the faculty, 2,000 students gathered in the main lecture hall of the faculty at noon to protest against the arrest of one of their classmates. They also protested against the restrictions imposed on many students following the disturbances of last January. 3s When the students saw the plain clothes police in the hall, they began to shout " D o w n with the university Gestapo ". It was at this point that the police intervened to clear the lecture rooms and the library of the faculty, and dispersed the demonstration. After the faculty was closed, the vice-dean asked the police to leave. There were also demonstrations in the law and philosophical faculties against the presence of police on the university campus. Police arrested some of the students in the latter faculty because of their participation in an unauthorised assembly. zr c f . Minerva, VI, 2 (Winter, 1968), pp. 304-305. as CI. " Free Student Unions: Adamant Demands, Adamant Refusals ", Minerva, VI, 3

(Spring, 1968), pp. 463--473.