VIEWPOINTS/CONTROVERSIES

ACHIEVING GENDER EQUALITY I N E D U C AT I O N : W H AT D O E S I T TA K E ? Christopher Colclough

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948 recognized compulsory elementary education as a right entitled to everyone. Ever since that date the international community has sought to anchor this aspiration within a solid legal and political framework. Judged by the extent of ratification of international treaties, there is almost universal consensus about the need to achieve equality between the sexes and the right to education for every child. The Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women (1979), ratified by 173 countries, features wide-ranging provisions for eliminating gender discrimination. This instrument refers to ‘no distinction in the extent of educational provision for women and men,’ ‘equal opportunity’ and eliminating gender stereotypes. The Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989), ratified by 192 countries, reaffirms the right of every child ‘without discrimination of any kind’ to free and compulsory primary schooling. Nevertheless, human rights law has clearly had only partial success in delivering equality in education. Recognizing that there was still far to go, the gender equality provisions in education were reaffirmed at several major United Nations conferences in the 1990s. Thus, the Jomtien Declaration (1990) and the Dakar Framework for Action (2000) included a commitment to human rights treaties. However, these

Original language: English Christopher Colclough (United Kingdom) Director of the Education for All Global Monitoring Report. He is presently on leave from the Institute of Development Studies, University of Sussex, where he is a Professorial Fellow in Economics. To find out more about the Education for All Global Monitoring Report 2003–2004, or download its contents, please see: www.efareport.unesco.org.

Prospects, vol. XXXIV, no. 1, March 2004

4

Christopher Colclough

political commitments were more ambitious than reaffirmations of existing legal obligations. In addition to Universal Primary Education (UPE), both the Dakar and the Millennium Development Goals call for the elimination of gender disparities in primary and secondary education by 2005, and throughout education by 2015. The Dakar Framework for Action specifically adopts the more demanding goal of achieving gender equality in education by the latter date. Based upon work for the EFA Monitoring Report 2003/2004, this brief paper examines the challenge of meeting these gender goals and indicates some policy options that can help achieve them. What, then, is gender equality in education? It implies not merely equal enrolments of girls and boys at any given level of the education cycle. Achievement of gender equality in education requires equal chances to attend school, equal learning experiences and attainment levels and, indeed, subsequent equal outcomes in society – in terms of the personal, political and professional opportunities associated with holding particular educational qualifications. History reminds us that the provision of education for women has always been highly political, given the chronicle of discrimination that has marked most societies. In the majority of countries that have achieved parity – equal enrolment rates for boys and girls – the rapid progress made in women’s education was a feature of the second half of the twentieth century. In many countries of sub-Saharan Africa and Asia, formal education was initially available only for boys. In Latin America, where the expansion of education systems started earlier, there had been practically no formal education for women during colonial times. So, declaring that everyone has the right to education was in and of itself a revolutionary statement. Unfortunately, it remains so in many countries where women are still denied their fundamental freedoms.

T h e c u r re n t g a p The fact that the majority of out-of-school primary children are girls and almost twothirds of the 860 million non-literate people are women indicates that female education has been neglected in many societies.1 Progress is evident in the global move towards greater gender parity, particularly at primary level, where the proportion of girls to boys enrolled climbed from 88% to 94% between 1990 and 2000. Nevertheless, the gender goal for 2005, which aims to achieve parity in primary and secondary enrolments, is likely to be missed by more than half of the 128 countries for which data are available – one third of which are in Sub-Saharan Africa. Although gender disparities in enrolments overwhelmingly favour boys, in some countries in Latin America and the Caribbean, Europe and some southern states in sub-Saharan Africa they favour girls. These disparities are usually small and they are concentrated at secondary level. Parity and equality are intertwined. To achieve equal enrolments and ensure that all children complete the education cycle, policies are required that take account of the reasons why girls are held back in the first place. Thinking in terms of equality in education can only be beneficial for parity. So what does it take?

Prospects, vol. XXXIV, no. 1, March 2004

Achieving gender equality in education

5

The social context First, acting on the social context is required by recognizing that educational inequality is both a cause and consequence of much wider discrimination against girls and women in society. Not surprisingly, the most marked gender inequalities are found in countries and regions where women are confined to the home. Patrilineal principles of inheritance and descent, early marriage, resources under the control of the senior male member of the family and restrictions on participating in the public sphere drastically curtail women’s life chances. Such societies – found in countries of North Africa, the Middle East, South and East Asia – also tend to be characterized by marked ‘son’ preference. This occurs to such an extent that women’s mortality and proportion of the population no longer corresponds to what is considered ‘standard’ in the rest of the world (Kabeer, 2003).

The right environment Creating an environment where equality between women and men is a guiding State principle is essential to improving girls’ educational chances. The agenda may be controversial, but it provides a decisive counterweight to entrenched social norms that also affect whether or not children go to school. It involves reforming family law, giving women property and inheritance rights and designing equal opportunity legislation. These demands have been expressed at several major UN international conferences in the 1990s, notably the World Conference on Human Rights (Vienna, 1990) and the World Conference on Women (Beijing, 1995). Legislative change in many countries has brought changes in the education sphere. In the United Kingdom, for example, the women’s movement in the 1970s, building on anti-discrimination legislation, prioritized gender equality in education as one of its manifesto goals. In Costa Rica, the Act for Promoting the Social Equality of Women (1990) made all educational institutions responsible for guaranteeing equal opportunities for men and women. Ethiopia’s education and training strategy includes provisions to work with communities by informing them of the harm done by some traditional practices, such as early marriage.

Fe e s a n d c h i l d l a b o u r : a d o u b l e b r a k e The second path to equality in education involves addressing poverty through a gender lens. If there is a choice to be made, poor families are more likely to educate their sons. Despite the almost universal ratification of human rights treaties which commit nations to the provision of ‘free and compulsory’ education at primary level, fees are still charged in 101 countries. Twenty-six of the thirty-five countries that are unlikely to reach the 2005 parity goal still charge school fees. Uniforms, books, transport, contributions in kind and other costs add to the bill. The average parental contribution differs between countries, but it can represent a significant proportion of household income, and is typically around one-third of total annual unit costs at primary level. Prospects, vol. XXXIV, no. 1, March 2004

6

Christopher Colclough

Child labour is also a leading reason for under-enrolment and dropout, particularly among girls. According to the most recent estimates, some 211 million children aged 5 to 14 are economically active, about half of whom are girls. This figure masks the many more millions of children – mostly girls – involved in domestic labour. Thus, abolishing primary school fees can have a major impact on boosting the enrolment of both girls and boys, as the experience of Malawi, Uganda and many other countries can testify (Riddell, 2003). But this has been insufficient. Targeted interventions in favour of girls are required in order to equalize the chances of girls and boys attending school.

The case for incentives Incentives work – whether as income support schemes, school-feeding programmes or scholarships for girls. As parents are the main employers of children, acting on their circumstances can tip the scales. Income transfer programmes in Brazil that provide cash to poor families whose children (between ages 7–14) attend school have been successful in curtailing the need for child labour. There is wisdom in targeting mothers: when households receive additional income, they spend it differently. Women spend more on education, health and household services than do men. Data from Indonesia suggest that children work less and study more in households where the mother has greater influence in decision-making. Food incentives, provided as meals or snacks at school or dry food rations to take home, can also make a real contribution to increasing the enrolment and retention of girls in school. Scholarships can also determine whether girls are able to continue their secondary studies. Bangladesh, which has achieved parity in primary education and where girls outnumber boys at the secondary level, has experimented with both of these policies. A study of the country’s national Food for Education (FFE) programme found that enrolment in FFE government schools increased by 41% for girls, compared with 27% for boys during the first year. The Female Secondary School Stipends Programme, a national programme since 1994, has had a significant impact on enrolment. Eligible girls must attend school for at least 75% of the year, obtain certain marks on exams and evaluation and remain unmarried. Stipends are paid directly into students’ bank accounts, contributing to their sense of personal responsibility. Creative solutions exist for every context. Recognizing that safety on the way to school is an issue, India’s Shikshakarmi (Education Workers’) Project appoints a local woman who escorts children to school and back and provides childcare during school hours. With this additional support, girls’ attendance at schools has received a boost (Jain, 2003). Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are often at the forefront of new models for education provision. The Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee (BRAC) is a textbook case, but the positive impact of NGO involvement in educational provision for girls has been demonstrated elsewhere. In southern Sudan, for example, CARE’s work in sensitizing communities about the importance of sending children – in particular girls – to school is reported to have increased girls’ enrolment by 96%. Prospects, vol. XXXIV, no. 1, March 2004

Achieving gender equality in education

7

Changing classroom practice Feminist movements have played a decisive role in tackling issues of sexism in curricula and teaching in industrialized countries. In the 1970s and 1980s, they helped to focus initiatives on girls’ participation in maths, science and technology, and on creating ‘girl-friendly’ environments in schools. These have arguably led to a ‘narrowing of the gender gap’ (Arnot, David & Weiner, 1999). Getting the curriculum ‘right’ and training teachers to be ‘gender-aware’ can be an arduous process. The fact that girls are still underrepresented in science subjects in developed countries at secondary and tertiary levels points to enduring biases. In France, a report published in 1997 by two parliamentarians noted that school books and teaching materials underrepresented women and too frequently characterized them only in their roles as mothers and wives. This was despite two decades of stated policy concern about gender bias in textbooks (Baudino, 2003). Even in Eastern Europe, where women made rapid gains under socialist governments, textbooks from several countries predominantly portray women undertaking domestic activities at home. Although many developing countries have initiated curricular reforms, these do not always challenge the status quo. In Cambodia, for example, new textbooks and teacher manuals were introduced in 1996 that aimed to promote concepts of gender fairness and social inclusion, but these guidelines were narrowly interpreted as a balanced number of male and female illustrations. Women are shown as weavers, girls as helping with housework; men as managers and boys helping on the family farm. Curricula need to be audited from a gender perspective to avoid stereotyping and encourage girls’ participation in science subjects. Irrespective of curriculum design, the way in which it is interpreted by teachers remains an overwhelming influence. Teachers can provide role models, and a sense of direction and encouragement to both boys and girls, or they can denigrate and marginalize them and so perpetuate stereotypes. Many studies have shown that teachers consider girls to be less intelligent and destined for less well-paid jobs than boys. In Bangladesh, most teachers interviewed did not themselves expect their own daughters to take a job after finishing their education. Teachers cannot be expected to separate themselves easily from the powerful cultural and social norms of their society. In strongly patriarchal environments, it is not easy to involve teachers in gender-equity programmes. Moreover, when they do become committed, they face powerful obstacles linked to the strength of patriarchal values in choosing their own lives, careers and activities (Mahlase, 1997). This problem is exacerbated by the neglect of gender in teacher training in many developing countries, where very few teachers ever attend gendersensitization courses (Colclough et al., 2003). Hiring more women teachers and training them well are top priorities for countries where gender disparities remain high. Their numbers remain extremely low in many countries. In Sub-Saharan Africa, women hold only one-third, or less, of teaching posts. Given strong correlations between girls’ enrolments at primary level and the presence of female teachers, deliberate policy measures to change this ratio should be a leading component of any gendered strategy. There are initiatives to show the Prospects, vol. XXXIV, no. 1, March 2004

Christopher Colclough

8

way: in different sub-Saharan African countries, the Forum for African Women Educationalists (FAWE) has set up ‘centres of excellence’ to build the capacity of teachers, including courses on gender sensitization and awareness, the teaching of science, maths and technology, and training in gender-responsive methodologies.

Confronting violence Schools are often not safe places for learning: violence against girls is perpetuating the gender gap in education. One recent report from South Africa found that the threat of violence at school is one of the most significant challenges to learning for children. In Ghana, Malawi and Zimbabwe, high levels of sexual aggression from boys, and sometimes from teachers, against junior secondary girls went largely unpunished. There is a lack of political will to tackle the problem, especially when violence is committed by teachers. The few studies that have been carried out suggest that much gender violence in schools goes unreported or under-reported because students fear victimization, punishment or ridicule (Leach, Dunne & Humphreys, 2003; Human Rights Watch, 2001). Much of the most innovative work to counter school violence has been initiated by NGOs, often in connection with HIV/AIDS education. These initiatives tend to be small-scale and expensive, and have been developed outside the formal school setting – in part because Ministries of Education have been reluctant to address the issue of gender violence themselves. Where school authorities have failed to acknowledge its existence, it has often flourished and become institutionalized. The school can become a place for nurturing healthy relationships based on mutual respect. Giving young people relevant and useful information about sexual and reproductive health, particularly in contexts of HIV/AIDS, should be an integral part of all curricula. Sex education remains a taboo subject in the majority of countries and efforts to introduce it in secondary schools have often been hindered by resistance from teachers, parents, religious leaders and by inadequate teacher training.

Empowering women Girls have a much higher chance of going to school if their mothers are educated, even if this happens at a later age (Lauglo, 2001). Literacy programmes tied to incomegenerating activities, health and human rights have shown their potential to empower women – enabling them to question rather than accept in order to take control of their own lives. Tying such programmes in with early childhood care and education (ECCE) generates strong benefits, often at very low cost. In light of the positive relationship between ECCE and enrolment in primary school – of both girls and boys – recognizing the linkages between different generations of learners paves the way toward greater equality.

Prospects, vol. XXXIV, no. 1, March 2004

Achieving gender equality in education

9

Conclusion There is no single policy for achieving gender equality in education, but there are many reforms capable of bringing nations closer to achieving the goal more quickly than will occur on current trends. Despite being deeply entrenched, social norms and customs can be changed by deliberate actions of the State and civil society organizations. The challenge for countries and donors is to look at every policy through a gender lens and to recognize the multiple connections between the education of parents – especially mothers – and their children. Both women’s and men’s interests need to be explicitly considered in the design of all legislation, policy and programmes. The State has a critical role to play in creating an enabling environment for promoting gender equality in education through legislative and policy reform. It must invest in redistribution, by targeting resources for female education and introducing special measures to reduce inequities. Measures to make schools better places of learning for both girls and boys – through positive messages in curricula, teachers’ skills and attitudes, safety and improved facilities – are essential ingredients of any gender-equality strategy. The impact of conflict, economic crisis and HIV/AIDS on girls and women requires prominent attention in a large number of countries. Lack of knowledge or policy options are not the issue. The main requirement is to bring the necessary political commitment, expertise and resources together in order to respond to the urgency of the task. The achievement of all development goals rests upon an educated population. Arguments that equality cannot be afforded, or that it would generate pressures that conflict with other, more pressing, development priorities are largely false. On the contrary: a committed shift towards the creation of gender equality in education ensures a range of personal, economic and social benefits. It is the cornerstone for allowing women and men to enjoy the rights and freedoms spelt out more than fifty years ago, and which have yet to be achieved by any nation.

No t e 1.

It should be recognized that demographic trends, whereby women comprise the majority of older people – the least literate group of adults – in most societies, are also partly the cause of this.

Re f e re n c e s Arnot, M.; David, M.; Weiner, G. 1999. Closing the gender gap: postwar education and social change. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press. Baudino, C. 2003. Case study: France. Paris: UNESCO. (Background paper for the EFA Global Monitoring Report 2003/2004.) Colclough, C. et al. 2003. Achieving schooling for all in Africa: costs, commitment and gender. Aldershot, UK: Ashgate. Human Rights Watch. 2001. Scared at school: sexual violence against girls in South African schools. New York, NY: Human Rights Watch.

Prospects, vol. XXXIV, no. 1, March 2004

10

Christopher Colclough

Jain, S. 2003. Gender equality in education: community-based initiatives in India. Paris: UNESCO. (Background paper for the EFA Monitoring Report 2003/2004.) Kabeer, N. 2003. Mainstreaming gender equality and poverty eradication in the Millennium Development Goals. Ottawa: Commonwealth Secretariat/IDRC/CIDA. Lauglo, J. 2001. Engaging with adults: the case for increased support for adult basic education in sub-Saharan Africa. Washington, DC: World Bank. (African Regional Human Development Working Paper Series.) Leach, F.; Dunne, M.; Humphreys, S. 2003. Gender and violence in schools. Paris: UNESCO. (Background paper for the EFA Global Monitoring Report 2003/2004.) Mahlase, S. 1997. The careers of women teachers under apartheid. Harare: SAPES Books. Riddell, A. 2003. The introduction of free primary education in sub-Saharan Africa. Paris: UNESCO. (Background paper for the EFA Global Monitoring Report 2003/2004.)

Prospects, vol. XXXIV, no. 1, March 2004