Hypatia of Alexandria by Maria Dzielska CAMBRIDGE: HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS, 1996, 176 PP., US $23.50, ISBN 0674437764 REVIEWED BY MARY W. GRAY

ho was Hypatia? Why and how was she killed? These questions have long intrigued mathematicians, historians of antiquity, and imaginative novelists, many of whom see the dramatic death of a beautiful young philosopher as the end of an era of learning and reason marking the beginning of the ‘‘dark ages.’’ Maria Dzielska presents the best-researched, most plausible account of the life and work of this nearly iconic figure, often characterized not only as the ‘‘first woman mathematician,’’ but also as an emblematic wise and sagacious woman. Hypatia was a scholar of late Alexandrian mathematics who contributed valuable commentary on the writings of Ptolemy, Apollonius, and particularly of Diophantus; although it was formerly thought that none of her efforts survived, more recent research indicates that some extant versions of the works of these authors reflect her contributions. She was also a Neoplatonic philosopher, specializing in ontology and ethics, who gathered around her an elite circle of disciples in fifth-century Alexandria. What she was not is a Christian nor, in the usual sense of the word, a pagan. Hypatia was not associated with any cults, rituals, divination, or magic. In her circle, the Platonic system of thought and practice was the path to divine existence. Dzielska’s account attests to Hypatia’s wisdom, ethical principles, virtue, dignity, and virginity. However, Hypatia was not an admired figure among the population in general, whom her followers generally disdained, believing that the less favored classes were incapable of understanding their esoteric theories. Dzielska convincingly establishes Hypatia’s date of birth as 355, so she was young at best in heart at her death in 415. There are many portraits of Hypatia, but none are contemporary, so her appearance is not known—but do we ask what Euclid looked like? Dzielska sees Hypatia as more a philosopher than a mathematician, viewing the focus on mathematics as incongruous with Hypatia’s versatility as a scholar of ‘‘all philosophy,’’ and she tells us little of her contributions to mathematics. In her description of the life and work of Hypatia, she relies heavily on the letters of Synesius of Cyrene, later bishop of Ptolemais, to Hypatia and his fellow students [1, 2]. Although we learn much about Hypatia’s philosophy from them, the bishop evidently lacked adequate interest or competence to write about her mathematics. For a perceptive analysis of Hypatia’s contributions to mathematics, one might rely on the work of Deakin [3], who, as we might expect from a mathematician, emphasizes strongly that Hypatia was not a researcher, but rather a teacher. Others have credited the survival of the work of Diophantus to the quality of her emendations early

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in the preservation cycle [4]. Portrayals of Hypatia as a scientist rest primarily on a brief request by Synesius for advice on a medical device; although she no doubt used an astrolabe, she certainly did not invent the instrument. What is known about Hypatia’s death from relatively reliable contemporary and near contemporary sources [5–8] is that one day in March, 415 CE, she was attacked and brutally murdered in the streets of Alexandria almost certainly by members of the so-called parabolans, a paramilitary group associated with Cyril, the patriarch of Alexandria, probably carrying out what they believed were his wishes, whether or not at his instigation. Dzielska argues that it was a political murder, not motivated by Hypatia’s mathematics nor philosophy nor part of a Christian onslaught against paganism. Moreover, the author, professor of ancient history at Jagiellonian University, Krakow, relates authoritatively that it did not mark the end of Hellenic philosophy, which she asserts continued until the Islamic conquest of Alexandria, although there were few developments in Greek mathematics after the fifth century [9]. There were doctrinal disputes among factions of the Christian population of Alexandria around the time of Hypatia, centered largely on the Nestorian controversy about the nature of Christ, but there is no evidence that she was involved. The more significant struggle was between civil and ecclesiastical authority in Alexandria. The representative of imperial Rome in Egypt was the prefect Orestes, whereas the head of the early Christian church in Alexandria was the patriarch Cyril. Hypatia’s views were sought and respected by influential figures among the elite of Alexandria, including Orestes, which aroused the envy of Cyril and represented a threat to his desire to expand his power. However, there is no real evidence that Cyril’s enmity was part of an anti-paganism campaign; his predecessor and uncle Theophilus had destroyed the pagan temple of Serapis a few years earlier, but neither Hypatia nor her father was associated with it. The spur to the attack by Cyril’s men might have been a series of incidents involving Cyril’s actions against the Jewish population of Alexandria that resulted in Orestes’s ordered torture of Cyril’s confidant Hieraz, and an attack on Orestes by monks for which the perpetrator, the monk Ammonius, was tortured and died. The rift between the civil and ecclesiastical authorities widened amid growing tension, and rumors were circulated that Hypatia was preventing Orestes from seeking a rapprochement with Cyril. Dzielska emphasizes that the alliance supporting civil authority was largely Christian, as indeed were Orestes himself and many of Hypatia’s students, so that the conflict was not Christians versus pagans. Although neither her philosophy nor her actions could be characterized as pagan in the sense of devotion or religious ritual, supporters of Cyril spread allegations that the mathematical and astronomical research of Hypatia constituted sorcery. In Hypatia’s time and even to the time of Newton, mathematics was associated with astrology, causing mathematicians sometimes to be identified with black magic of a sort. The allegations found favor among the populace, where there would have been negligible sympathy from those

who knew little of Hypatia’s philosophy or teachings. Dzielska concludes that Hypatia may have contributed to her negative image among the population at large with a meticulously nurtured air of secrecy surrounding her closely-knit community. For example, Synesius [1, 2] wrote of the importance of maintaining a careful guard on the mysteries of philosophy. In this climate of antagonism, the parabolans resolved the conflict through the time-honored expedient of political murder. Hypatia was murdered not because she was a pagan, or a dissident Christian, or a Neoplatonist, or a mathematician, or a woman, or a witch, although charges that she was may have provided support and cover. Rather, Dzielska is persuasive in proposing that she was an influential ally of one political faction seen as a threat by the other, and so was eliminated. Although there was some effort by prominent citizens of Alexandria to seek justice for the death of Hypatia from the imperial power in Rome, no retribution occurred. A brief minor curtailment of the power of parabolans was soon ended, and Cyril achieved his goal of ruling Alexandria; Orestes was heard of no more. Cyril was later honored as St. Cyril, although his reputation is not without controversy even within the Catholic church. Anti-Catholic writers fault Dzielska for placing too little blame on the early Christian hierarchy, seeing Hypatia as the victim of its suppression of rational thought, but her embroilment in the power struggle as described by Dzielska seems dispositive, perhaps because of our modern preoccupation with political intrigue. The introductory chapter of Dzielska’s book traces the intriguing evolution of the Hypatia legend from the eighteenth to the twentieth century, demolishing one after another characterization of Hypatia through the ages and setting the stage for the real Hypatia as a modern historian sees her. After this introduction, Dzielska continues with her central exposition, ‘‘Hypatia and her Circle’’ and the ‘‘Life and Death of Hypatia.’’ In addition to relying heavily on the correspondence of Synesius and the writings of Hypatia’s near contemporary Socrates Scholasticus [6], Dzielska draws for the background of fifth-century Alexandria on the account by Damascius in his Life of Isidore as referenced in the tenth-century Byzantium lexicon Suda [8]. She presents an evocative picture of the atmosphere in which Hypatia, daughter of Theon, a mathematician and astronomer, lived and worked as a prominent member of the Greek community of Alexandria. Hypatia’s lectures, in her home and in public lecture halls, drew scholars, apparently all male, from Alexandria, the rest of Egypt, and other regions as well, but there is no evidence that they reached out to the populace. Setting the scene for philosophical and religious thought of Hypatia’s era, although fascinating, may be more arcane than most mathematicians will appreciate, but the stage is well established for the tragedy that ensued. Then, as noted, the chapter on the death of Hypatia emphasizes the political reality and possible triggers to the mob violence that ended her life. After summing up the evidence for her portrait of Hypatia’s life and death in a concluding chapter, Dzielska has added an appendix ‘‘Sources,’’ which would have been more helpful had it been placed toward the beginning of

the book to serve as the factual antidote to the introduction that recites the legends about to be largely extinguished. Overall, Dzielska’s fundamental contribution constitutes a persuasive and thorough examination of Hypatia and the intellectual and political milieu in which she lived and worked. Moreover, its compelling exploration of the development and dismantling of the Hypatia legends is a service to mathematicians and other scholars and students who seek the real Hypatia.

REFERENCES

[1] A. Garzya (ed.). Synesii Cyrenensis Epistolae, Typis Officinae Polygraphicae, Rome, 1979. [2] A. Fitzgerald. The Letters of Synesius of Cyrene, I, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1926. [3] M. A. B. Deakin. Hypatia of Alexandria: Mathematician and Martyr. Prometheus Books, Amherst, NY, 2007. [4] T. L. Heath. Diophantus of Alexandria: A Study in the History of Greek Algebra, Dover, New York, 1969. [5] C. Zintzen (ed.). Damascius, fragments and Epitome Photiana in Damascii Vitae Isidori Reliquiae, Olms, Hildesheim, 1967. [6] P. Schaff and H. Wace. The Ecclesiastical History of Socrates Scholasticus: A Select Library of Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church, second series, The Christian Literature Society, New York, 1890. [7] R.H. Charles (trans.). The Chronicle of John, Bishop of Nikiu, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1916. [8] Suda, http://www.stoa.org/sol/, retrieved 26 December 2012. [9] V. J. Katz. A History of Mathematics, 3rd ed., Addison-Wesley, Boston, MA, 2009.

Appendix: The Other Hypatia—An Attempt at the Deconstruction of a Myth How did a fifth-century Greek philosopher/mathematician become an iconic figure of beauty and wisdom whose murder by a Christian mob destroyed Greek civilization? A historian of science might think that Maria Dzielska’s Hypatia says about all there is to say about the Neoplatonic Alexandrine usually characterized as ‘‘the first woman mathematician.’’ However, the perpetuation of the Hypatia legend, begun centuries ago, continues. After the scarce historically reliable contemporary and near contemporary sources for her life, such as the letters of Synesius [1, 2] and the Ecclesiastical History of Socrates Scholasticus [3], the reshaping of the image of Hypatia began. In the seventh century, John, the bishop of Nikiu in Lower Egypt, portrayed her as a pagan philosopher, given to occult practices, in his effort to counteract the negative role of Cyril and the early Christian church in her assassination [4]. An otherwise factual sixth-century source, preserved in the work of later historians [5], introduced the fable of the marriage of Hypatia to another philosopher, but the most reliable source until the work of Dzielska is the tenth-century Suda [6], which contains accounts by earlier writers that, although not entirely consistent, introduced Hypatia as virtuous and politically skilled, but also  2014 Springer Science+Business Media New York, Volume 36, Number 4, 2014

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contributed to the idea that her death as a victim of the fanaticism of early Christianity marked the end of a civilization of learning and reason. Writers in the eighteenth century found in Hypatia fertile ground for the philosophy of the Age of Enlightenment. John Toland [7] saw her as ‘‘a most beautiful, most virtuous, most learned and in every way accomplished lady, who was torn to pieces by the clergy of Alexandria to gratify the pride, emulation and cruelty of the archbishop commonly but undeservedly titled St. Cyril.’’ A Catholic response to this Protestant characterization called her ‘‘a Most Impudent School-Mistress of Alexandria’’ [8]. But the excesses of Toland won out with Voltaire [9], who in asserting that Hypatia was the victim of superstition and ignorance whose death marked the end of Greek civilization, failed to give any attention to her actual philosophy. Gibbon in the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire [10] elaborated on the version of Voltaire, blaming Cyril for all the conflicts of fifth-century Alexandria, including the murder of Hypatia, in line with his theory that the rise of Christianity was the crucial reason for the fall of ancient civilization. Novelists of the period of the Enlightenment took up the cause, notably Fielding, who described Hypatia as young, beautiful, and meritorious lady murdered by Christian dogs [11]. Then Victorian times brought out a deluge of romantic novels and poems in English and French, reflecting an admiration and longing for the ancient Greek civilization they saw embodied by Hypatia’s spiritual and physical beauty—the spirit of Plato and the body of Aphrodite according to Leconte de Lisle [12] and others. The single most influential contributor to the twentiethand even twenty-first–century image of Hypatia was probably Kingsley [13]. While accurately portraying Hypatia as an influential figure in Alexandria, studying and writing on philosophy and mathematics, he endows her with a fierce hatred of Christianity and contempt for the clergy. He introduces Orestes, the prefect of Alexandria, as a co-villain, proposing marriage to Hypatia in an attempt to secure her support for his effort to extend his political power. When she realizes his machinations, she undergoes a spiritual crisis, terminating in her conversion to Christianity, although that fails to prevent her murder by the parabolans, monks, and a Christian mob. In Kingsley’s conclusion, science and philosophy disappear from Alexandria, and the Christian church in Egypt is disgraced and declines into sectarian disputes. His subtitle, Or Old Foes with New Faces, is indicative of its anti-Catholic orientation. Kingsley’s view that the murder of Hypatia marked the end of Hellenic civilization, after which the ‘‘dark ages’’ of superstition fostered by religion reigned until the Enlightenment, has been widely echoed. Several historians of science in the nineteenth century saw Hypatia as the defender of science against religion, without asking what the science was that she was defending [14]. ‘‘Beautiful young woman mathematician murdered by a Christian mob. Civilization dies.’’ This might have been the headline or tweet were there such in 415 AD, and it is this image of Hypatia that has persisted, enhanced by ever-new creative fantasies. In the last part of the twentieth century, a search for feminine ‘‘role models,’’ particularly in fields such as 108

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mathematics where there traditionally were few women, found Hypatia. That she was not what we might today call a mathematician did not hinder writers who combined the romantic image of a beautiful young martyr with exaggerated views of her mathematical achievements [15–18]. The more than 15 years since Dzielska’s definitive account appeared have seen an onslaught of books centering on Hypatia’s life and death. For the most part, the Hypatia they bring us is not the Hypatia of history. Amid the hyperbole, Deakin’s effort [19], the only one by a mathematician, contains an appendix that does add to Dzielska’s fact-based story with a careful analysis of what can be said about Hypatia’s contributions to mathematics, carefully distinguishing research from commentary and teaching, but his work suffers from what some amazon.com reviewers have called ‘‘a lack of narrative,’’ one asking with contempt what can be expected when a mathematician writes a book. Well, what little is actually known about Hypatia does not lend itself to a compelling narrative, absorbing though the political, philosophical, and mathematical setting may be. Although Deakin disagrees with Dzielska on some details, his account is factual, consisting in large part of endnotes reviewing various historical sources. He concludes that Hypatia’s contributions lie in commentaries, in particular on the works of Ptolemy, Euclid, Apollonius, and Diophantus. But he wipes away the ‘‘first woman mathematician’’ legend with an appendix on the work of an earlier woman mathematician, Pandrosion, about whom even less is known. It is left to the fiction writers to produce a cast of colorful supporting characters, hints of romance, and flights of imagination. Most, undaunted by what facts are actually known, rely on the image of a beautiful, charismatic, young, philosopher. The birth date of 355, most probable according to Deakin and Dzielska, is largely ignored by portraying Hypatia as in her early twenties at the time of her murder, although some do concede a date as early as 370—the long-accepted date of birth before the research of Dzielska—as the date of her birth, seeing a 45-year-old as very capable of inspiring romance, although mentioning the appearance of a silver hair [20]. There is lengthy discussion of hair—but no agreement on its color—and of clothes, in a variety of styles and colors. The fictional Hypatia is always tall and slender, one author even specifying five feet eleven inches as her height [21]. In addition to those that repeat the chaste characterizations of contemporary and eighteenth- and nineteenth-century writings, we can find fictional accounts of hetero-, homo-, or bisexual relationships, some physical, others not. Augustine of Hippo (later to be St. Augustine) appears variously in a platonic friendship [22], as a mediator [23], or as an opponent of Hypatia [24, 25]. Versions of the closeness of Hypatia’s relationship with the prefect Orestes and the kind of protection he offered are also varied, with a play [26] based on Kingsley’s book introducing an impending marriage between the two based on their intent to establish a pagan regime to rival the existing Christian Roman empire, a goal frustrated only at the last moment by news of the defeat of their military support by Christian forces.

One author cleverly weaves together the highly fictionalized story of Hypatia and her circle with that of a Celtic healer whose tribulations lead her from Roman Britain to Alexandria and, after the death of Hypatia, on to Palestine, from where she returns to her homeland while her companions head to Tiberius or Constantinople [25]. Another portrays the lover of Hypatia escaping to Petra with her writings after Hypatia’s death; lacking is only a happy ending where the Nabateans preserve Hypatia’s great discoveries, which are found by Islamic mathematicians who then… [23]. Still another posits the deposit of her work among the cliffs of Palestine (think Dead Sea Scrolls), but the most bizarre aftermath has Hypatia meeting Jesus in a tent in the desert and ‘‘with a romantic smile’’ responding to his invitation to talk with ‘‘I thought you would never ask’’ [27]. Cyril is the clear villain in all recent accounts, and in some is even said to be an eyewitness of the death of Hypatia [22, 23], but there is general agreement that the variously constituted ‘‘mob’’ tore Hypatia to shreds with tiles (from pottery or the roof) or shells, a variation that could derive from alternative translations of Greek, and burned her bones. Most of the novels also present a variety of versions of the treatment of Alexandria’s Jewish minority, their militant reaction, and the aftermath, and have rather imaginative timing for some of the events. Theon is treated as living longer than he probably did, and in one account he has taken to his bed, becoming unproductive and generally nasty to all, including Hypatia and one, but not both, of her imaginary sisters [22]. Many of the novels based (sometimes very loosely) on Hypatia are self-published and demonstrate a lack of editing and a pretentious use of English, Roman, and Greek specialized terms interspersed with annoyingly poor grammar. In most cases it is a chore for the reader to persist to the inevitable conclusion. However, intended for young teenagers is one of the better efforts [28], a nicely illustrated, mostly accurate, history, marred by some exaggerated claims for Hypatia’s mathematical and scientific accomplishments. A collection of essays [29] relies heavily on the work of Dzielska, although criticizing her for emphasizing the political aspects of Hypatia’s death and thereby diminishing the responsibility of the Catholic Church, but it seems that most of the novelists were unaware of, or blithely disregarded, Dzielska’s research in favor of a sometimes flamboyant romanticism. At least two authors have produced science fiction based on Hypatia’s life and death [30, 31]. There is little of mathematics in any of the novels, although in several tales Hypatia describes the measurement by Eratosthenes of the circumference of the earth; in one [25] we come upon her finding the volume of a cone, and in another [23] there is a nonsensical reference to an equation. Many of the authors credit Hypatia with formulating the heliocentric model of the universe proposed several centuries earlier by Aristarchus as if it were her discovery. Although she is appropriately characterized as a member of Alexandria’s Hellene upper class, Hypatia is often portrayed speaking to adoring audiences of the general public. Because it is not historically clear in what sense her lectures were public, authors are left free to construct a variety of scenarios. Sometimes the imaginary Hypatia

appears to be an elitist, believing that the ‘‘common people’’ are incapable of understanding philosophy, mathematics, or astronomy, and in other accounts she is said to have made difficult concepts widely accessible [21]. We hear little of the indigenous population of Alexandria, except in one version where the class distinctions are overcome by Hypatia’s love for a servant [22]. Chroniclers of the fictional Hypatia are divided as to whether she had women students, but agree that she was the only woman ‘‘professor’’ at the time. Whether she was affiliated with an institution, and if so which one, is a subject for obfuscation. An inventive fictional treatment [32] attributes to Hypatia the formulation of the whole doctrine of ‘‘Mary, Mother of God.’’ This novel also contains a lengthy discussion of imagined pagan rites, the key to which is a so-called Emerald Tablet, a translation of which into English was found in the alchemical papers of Isaac Newton. Some authors picture Hypatia advocating for better education for women in general or for care for the poor and ill in the city [23, 25], but only occasionally is she portrayed as a feminist, although she has become something of a feminist metaphor. However, as in the case of earlier purportedly factual accounts [15, 16], some of the Hypatia novels are written from a feminist perspective, mentioning everything from the patently untrue declaration that she was an inspiration for women for a thousand years after her death (when in fact, virtually no one had even heard of her) to her appearance among the feminist icons in the 1979 Judy Chicago installation, The Dinner Party [28, 29]. Most of the accounts display no real understanding of mathematics, philosophy, or the historical setting of her life, but several authors [21, 23, 27, 28] speak of being inspired by Carl Sagan’s 1980 television series, Cosmos [33]. Hypatia’s name and constructed image as Athena have also been used in more general feminist contexts, for example in two journals, one in the United States and one in Greece, and in a 1925 essay [34] by Dora (Mrs. Bertrand) Russell. What can be said is that Hypatia enjoyed independence, freedom of thought, respect, and achievement to which anyone might aspire. One might hope that with an increasing presence of women in the world of mathematics, the emphasis on and the distortion of the image of Hypatia might diminish. Given the attention to the purportedly dramatic end to Greek civilization in most fictional and some supposedly factual narratives, and the fact that late Greek mathematics was largely transmitted by Islamic mathematicians, it is a little surprising that the opportunity the Islamic era might present for flights of fancy of the discovery of great achievements of Hypatia hasn’t been exploited by these writers. Perhaps a palimpsest of Hypatia’s mathematics— fictional or otherwise—might someday appear.

Department of Mathematics and Statistics American University 4400 Massachusetts Avenue, NW Washington, DC 20016 USA e-mail: [email protected]  2014 Springer Science+Business Media New York, Volume 36, Number 4, 2014

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[16] Teri Perl. Math Equals: Biography of Women Mathematicians and

[1] A. Garzya (ed.). Synesii Cyrenensis Epistolae, Typis Officinae Polygraphicae, Rome, 1979.

Related Activities, Addison-Wesley, Reading, MA, 1978. [17] Rora Jacobacci. ‘‘Women of Mathematics,’’ Arithmetic Teacher,

[2] A. Fitzgerald. The Letters of Synesius of Cyrene, I, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1926. [3] P. Schaff and H. Wace, The Ecclesiastical History of Socrates Scholasticus: A Select Library of Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church, second series, The Christian Literature Society, New York, 1890. [4] C. Zintzen (ed.). Damascius, fragments and Epitome Photiana in Damascii Vitae Isidori Reliquiae, Olms, Hildesheim, 1967. [5] R. H. Charles (trans.). The Chronicle of John, Bishop of Nikiu, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1916. [6] Suda, http://www.stoa.org/sol/, retrieved 26 December 2012. [7] John Toland. Hypatia or the History of a most beautiful, most virtuous, most learned and in every way accomplished lady, who was

vol. 17, no. 4, 316–324, 1970. [18] Margaret Alic. Hypatia’s Heritage, Beacon Press, Boston, MA, 1986. [19] Michael A. B. Deakin. Hypatia of Alexandria: Mathematician and Martyr. Prometheus Books, Amherst, NY, 2007. [20] Brian Trent. Remembering Hypatia: A Novel of Ancient Egypt. iUniverse, Lincoln, NE, 2005. [21] Nicholas Fourikis. Hypatia’s Feud. Outskirts Press, Denver, CO, 2011. [22] Ki Longfellow. Flow Down Like Silver: Hypatia of Alexandria, a Novel. Eio Books, Belvedere, CA, 2009. [23] Charlotte Kramer. Holy Murder: The Death of Hypatia of Alexandria. Infinity Publishing, West Conshohocken, PA, 2006.

torn to pieces by the clergy of Alexandria to gratify the pride,

[24] D. R. Khashaba. Hypatia’s Lover. Virtualbookworm.com Pub-

emulation and cruelty of the archbishop commonly but undeservedly titled St Cyril, Tetradymus, chapter 3, London, 1720.

lishing, Inc., College Station, TX, 2006. [25] Barry S. Willdorf. The Flight of the Sorceress. Wild Child Pub-

[8] Thomas Lewis. The History of Hypatia, T. Bickerton, London, 1721.

lishing, Culver City, CA, 2010. [26] G. Stuart Ogilvie. Hypatia. William Heinemann, London, 1894.

[9] Voltaire. De la Paix perpe´tuelle in Oeuvres comple`tes de Voltaire, M. Auguis et al., eds., 97 vols., Baudouin Fre`res, Paris (1828– 1834), 38:403–28 (1961); Me´langes, Bibliothe`que de la Ple´ide,

[27] Marty Sweet. The Story of the Death of Hypatia. Author House,

Paris, (1969) Dictionnaire philosophique, Garnier Freres, Paris,

[28] Sandy Donovan. Hypatia: Mathematician, Inventor, and Philo-

1769. [10] Edward Gibbon. The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire,

spher. Compass Point Books, Minneapolis, MN, 2008. [29] Faith L. Justice. Hypatia: Her Life and Times. CreateSpace

Frederick Warne & Co., London, pp. 109–110, 1898. [11] Henry Fielding. A Journey from This World to the Next, C. Cooke, London, 1743. [12] Charles Leconte de Lisle. ‘‘Hypatie,’’ Oeuvres de Leconte de Lisle Poe`mes Antiques, Alphonse Lemerre, 1874. [13] Charles Kingsley. Hypatia, or New Foes with an Old Face, Parker, London, 1853. [14] J. W. Draper. History of the Intellectual Development of Europe, Harper, New York, 1869. [15] Lynn Osen. Women in Mathematics, The MIT Press, Cambridge, MA, 1975.

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Digitized by the British Library, 1994. Bloomington, IN, 2007.

Independent Publishing Platform, 2013. [30] Khan Amore. Hypatia. 1st Book Library, Miami, FL, 2001. [31] Ramo´n Gali. Lisa Grant, translator. Hypatia and Eternity. Literaturas Communicacio´n, S. L., Madrid, 2012. [32] K. Hollan Van Zandt. Written in the Ashes. Balboa Press, Bloomington, IN, 2011. [33] Carl Sagan. Cosmos, produced by Los Angeles PBS affiliate KCET, 1980. [34] Dora Russell. Hypatia, E. P. Dutton & Company; First American Edition, New York, 1925.