THE N E W M A L E ROLE Jacqueline Boles and Charlotte Tatro

During the last decade there has been a virtual explosion of publications about sex roles; however, most of them have been about women. There are, of course, innumerable studies of work, leisure, and political participation of Americans based upon all-male samples; yet, until recently, there have been few studies dealing explicitly with the male sex role. Very recently, there has been a flurry of publications dealing with the male sex role. 12,18,34,35,36Most of these are edited books with articles that are often impressionistic and confessional. Chapter headings like "My Sex Role --And Ours," "Being a Boy," and "The Making of Dull Boys," suggest the flavor of these books. There are, however, studies of the male sex role from several different perspectives. There are many studies of the personality and temperamental components of the male sex role based upon personality inventories. This research tradition began with the study by Terman and Miles; 44 since then, psychologists have developed many different types of research strategies to measure the "masculinity-femininity" dimension of personality. (There are innumerable scales which purport to measure the masculinity/femininity dimension of personality. For a discussion and evaluation of these see Constantinople? °) The findings from these studies have been consistent over time; yet, they have been criticized for reflecting sex stereotypes rather than "real" personality dimensions? s Studies of sex stereotyping have also shown that there is considerable agreement among people from different backgrounds and diverse ages about the components of the male role.~8,33 For example, Balswick's and Ward's ~ study of sex role stereotypes, based upon the responses of 1,234 high school students, showed that these students believed the ideal man should be strong, dominant, and responsible. Finally, there are numerous studies of sex role socialization which exJacqueline Boles, Ph.D., Georgia State Universi/y. Charlotte Tatro, Ph.D., Florida International University. The American Journal of Psychoanalysis

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amine differences between the sexes in such dimensions as play, vocational aspiration, achievement, and self-esteem. 8,39,43Throughout this diverse body of literature there is considerable agreement about sex role differences. For example, there is a remarkable consistency concerning vocational aspirations. Terman and Miles 44found that boys were interested in occupations involving danger, excitement, physical activity, mechanics, and travel. Looft 25 found that his sample of first- and second-grade boys wanted to be football players, policemen, doctors, dentists, scientists, pilots, and astronauts. Literature, film, television, and other forms of popular culture have informed our common conception of the male role. Willy Loman, Sam Spade, and even Natty Bumpo are characters who have been concerned with problems essential to the core of the male role: success, independence and integrity, and physical activity in an increasingly civilized world. THE MALE SEX ROLE

There is a broad consensus among most researchers, therapists, writers, and artists about the basic components of the male sex role. There is, however, considerable disagreement about the factors responsible for it. Biological and social forces are seen either alone or in combination as determining either (1) our expectations about the male sex role, or (2) male sex role behavior. In general, those theorists who argue that the male sex role is learned through socialization and modeling are primarily concerned with studying societal sex role expectations and stereotyping. Some researchers concentrate on identifying the biological bases of sex role differences. Most researchers are now arguing that the male sex role is the result of some combination of biological predisposing factors that interact with and are reinforced by socialization experiences. 16,32 Leaving arguments over "cause" aside, it is possible to identify the major components of the male sex role based upon sources discussed above. The anthropologist Walter Miller 31 has used the term "focal concerns" to discuss the value orientations and behavioral correlates of the lower class subculture. For example, toughness that involves physical prowess, skill, fearlessness, bravery, and daring is highly valued, whereas weakness, effeminacy, timidity, cowardice, and caution are devalued within the lower class. From research, literature, and clinical case studies, the following focal concerns of men are identified: aggression/activity; dominance/power; selfreliance/autonomy; and achievement/success. These focal concerns are translated into components of the male sex role; that is, behaviors based on these focal concerns are both expected and encouraged. The purposes of this paper are to (1} examine the qualities of the male sex role, the limitations imposed on the expression of those characteristics in

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modern society, and the consequences of such limitations; (2) examine the concept of androgyny; and (3) to weigh future directions and possibilities regarding traditionalism versus androgyny. AGGRESSION/ACTIVITY Evidence from our own and other cultures indicates that men are more aggressive than women. Dozens of studies show males of all ages engage in more physical aggression,fantasy aggression,verbal aggression,and play aggression than females do. The differences show up as soon as children begin to play with each other at the age of two or three and lasts into adulthood. 43,p-s4 The need for activity is tied to aggressivity; aggression is activity without purpose. 3 Cross-cultural studies indicate that boys are more physically active than girls, 26 both in play and fantasy, thrusting, and extending themselves and their creations into space. Male concern about activity and aggression is evident; in our increasingly bureaucratized world, the freedom of men to act (create, control, modify, and change) on their environments is limited. Three traditional arenas for male activity--work, sex, and the physic a l - a r e constrained by a variety of factors, including bureaucratization and technology. The dissatisfaction of male blue-collar workers with their assembly line jobs is well-knownS; however, current research indicates that white collar managers and executives are increasingly beseiged by regulations and constrictions typical of large organizations. 22 The organizational demands of complex organizations are proletarizing all workers. The organized efficiency that aims at maximum productivity and maximum profits requires the worker to adapt to duties that are highly specialized, one-sided, superficial, repetitious. To function with a minimum of conflict in these conditions, a man learns to conform, to be passive and dependent--to sacrifice his initiative and the wholeness of his personality.3,p-14° Male activity in the field of the erotic is also curtailed; men are less frequently the pursuers--more often the pursued. Constraints on male sexual initiation activity include moral arguments by women accusing men of objectifying them--i.e., using them as sex objects. Furthermore, because of "the Pill" and the IUD, men have lost control of contraception; this choice is now left almost entirely to women (if they choose). Men, especially middle class ones, are now apt to question their roles in heterosexual activities; this doubt may be responsible for some of the increase in male sexual dysfunction. 16

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Men are also limited in the amount and quality of the sheer physical activity they can engage in; the male body has been replaced by the machine, and the majority of American men perform work that physically could be done by women. Man's body as the primary tool in shaping the world is nearly obsolete and the distinctions between men that were created on the basis of it have lost their validit%~0,p.lz6 Gagnon suggests several adaptations of American men to their experience of the loss of their body primacy. The "redneck" response is characterized by the stereotypical redneck who fights, drinks whiskey {preferably bootleg), and defies the law. The popularity of Burt Reynolds' films may be attributed to both men's and women's sympathy for the stereotypical character he frequently plays. Managerial and professional men are more apt to opt for the "cosmeticpeacock" effect: jogging, isometric exercises, sun tanning, and sports, such as tennis. The purpose of these activities is to enhance beauty so as to attract women: • . . attention to the body is given order to attract women, not because it will be more capable in sexual performance• Physical strength, as an aspect of physical beauty, thus becomes a secondary sex characteristic, retaining this significance without having any functional importance. 16,p'178 The fascination of men with activity/aggression is found in male interest in contact sports, sexual fantasy, violence in the mass media, and the careers of "activists," whether terrorists, murderers like Son of Sam, or rock stars. DOMINANCE/POWER

Patriarchy is a cultural universal; there is no culture extant today (nor any evidence of one in the past) that is dominated by women. 17 Furthermore, some researchers argue that men tend to form dominance hierarchies (i.e. pecking orders); whereas, women form connecting networks among equals. 6 Men have traditionally exercised power: over other men, women, children, .and things. McClelland and co-workers 29 conceptualize two types of power: socialized and personalized. Socialized power is the type exercised by men {and women) in organizations and groups; this' type is largely the result of one's position within an organization. Personalized power is demonstrated by dominance displays and personal aggrandizement. Most of the books like Winning Through Intimidation are manuals about power displays for those who are not in power positions. McClelland argues that men who

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have large personal power needs are often men who do not have their power needs met in their work. The need for personal power is due to the strong cultural demands for male assertiveness, low support for the assertive male role, and 15erceived outlets for social power needs. Indeed, male authority and power are constrained in the arenas of work, sex, and the physical. Male authority and power use are limited by bureaucratic regulations. The "privilege" of hiring, firing, chastizing, and directing people is limited by government, union, and organizational rules. The manager now "rules" by persuasion. Men are also constrained by new sexual norms in their relationships with women. There is a growing tendency for men to share power with women, divide and share home-making and child-rearing responsibilities, and share the workload. 4a For a "manual" on the role the contemporary husband should play in the home see Dubrin. 14They also believe that women's sexual needs should be satisfied in sexual encounters; men no longer have the right to enforce their own sexual demands on unwilling partners. Indeed, part of the explanation of continued the use of female prostitutes (in spite of the availability of women) is that men will not ask their wives or girl friends to "do" certain sex acts; in the past, men would have felt justified in insisting.47 Finally, as was suggested by Gagnon previously, 16 men can no longer use the physical arena for dominance displays. In the ~outh, there are still numerous "knuckle bars" where Southern males regularly stage fights to determine the pecking order within the bars; however, this behavior is now proscribed and may lead to criminal penalties. In sum, men have significantly fewer arenas in which to display dominance and power; current male fascination with power (physical and political) may be attributed to their concern with that dimension of their traditional role. AUTONOMY/SELF-RELIANCE

The Marlboro man is a stereotypical example of the ideal male stance-alone-in-the-wilderness-dependent only upon himself: Gary Cooper at High Noon. Of the men responding to a PsychologyTodaysurvey 86 percent said that self-confidence was an important trait for the ideal male, and 87 percent thought that the ideal male should "stand up for his ideas.''42 The Marlboro man, like the "Village Blacksmith" ("a mighty oak is he") does not bend to the wind. Men must be independent, strong, and brave; conversely, they must not be weak or dependent. Men fear self-disclosure, physical weakness, and dependence. 17,21Men deny physical and mental illness and their own dependency needs. 17,38 In industrial societies with complex divisions of labor, it is increasingly difficult for men to act strong, independent, and self-reliant. Most men work

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in organizations and for others; mobility within organizations is dependent on skills in negotiation, cooperation, and group effort. 46,48 Men have traditionally found honor in their work; that is, work that is dangerous, dirty, risky, and performed exclusively by men has honor. Most work is now devoid of honor, as honor is lost when workers lose autonomy or when women can perform the work: "Honor is a property of men, not women, yet women's presence threatens honor. "3°,p.273 The poignancy of male needs to be strong, independent, and autonomous are vividly illustrated by the anecdote reported by Woodward and Bernstein about President Nixon. Kissinger was a witness to Nixon's emotional breakdown; yet Nixon asked Kissinger not to tell anyone of the incident: "Tell them I was strong." ACHIEVEMENT/SUCCESS

Willy Loman, the quintessential salesman, said "A man can't go out the way he came in, Ben; a man has got to add up to something." The cult of success haunts both middle and working class men; they seek achievement and success in sports, sex, and work. Studies of high school students 9 showed that high school boys most admired athletic boys, both for their athletic prowess and because it was "well known" that jocks were sexually successful. Fifty-four percent of the male respondents to the Psychology Today survey42 believe that success in work is a trait of the ideal man; more important, 74 percent of the respondents believed that intelligence was an essential trait of the ideal male. McClelland and co-workers 28 wrote about the achievement motive, conceptualizing it as a stable disposition to strive for success in any situation where standards of excellence are applicable. Both men and women perceive men as being more ambitious, hardworking, and capable, ~ and, at least at the present time, the cost of failure is greater for men than women. Numerous studies of downwardly mobile men have shown that the costs of status loss are great: alcoholism, suicide, depression, mental illness, and physical illness and premature death. The stronger demand on the boy-man to assert himself, to push forward, to be hard and aggressiveand not to show his feelings, creates problems of adjustment that emerge in a relatively higher rate of criminality, higher mortality, a greater risk of stress and certain symptoms of overstrain, and a higher suicide rate.I~,p189 Much of the rhetoric of the beatnik and hippie periods was directed at the success ethic. It was argued that men are paying too high a price for success; yet, even the gurus of the counter-culture were as obsessed by success as the establishment types they tried to liberate.

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Naturally, the subgroup leaders who are most awesomely in touch with every emotion and can 'sense' things in others that no one else can are.., men. At such conventions as Humanistic Psychology and Orthopsychiatry conventions, these supersensitive gurus glide around like whacked-out birds of paradise in beads and Indian gowns, followed by their retinues of admirers.12,p21 In this section, the focal concerns of men have been reviewed. The content of most of the books published recently about men has dealt with the costs of conformity to the expectations embodied in these concerns; men are urged to abandon their traditional concerns and become "more human," that is, more androgynous. THE N E W A N D R O G Y N Y

Throughout history, groups have conceived of men and women sharing the same characteristics; androgynous gods and goddesses are found in all civilizations and attest to our understanding of the dual nature of men and women. However, there are several recent publications which see androgyny (the integration of masculine and feminine sentiments, behaviors, and temperaments in one individual) as the wave of the future. 2a,azThey advocate androgyny as a model for both men and women and believe that both sexes will be happier and enjoy their lives more fully if they can identify and express the duality of their natures. They echo the plea of the Swedish playwright, Augustus Strindberg: Yes, 1am crying, even though I am a maff. But has a man not eyes: Has a man not hands, limbs, likes, dislikes, passions? Is he not kept alive by the same nourishment, is he not wounded by the same weapons, is he not warmed by the same summer, cooled by the same winter as woman?... Then why should not a man complain, a soldier cry? Because it is not manly?4°,p'39 Sandra Bern4 has developed a scale which measures androgyny: the Bern Sex-Role Inventory (BSRI). The scale consists of 60 items divided into three groups: masculine, feminine, and neutral. Typical masculine items are: aggressive, competitive, self-reliant, and defends own beliefs. Affectionate, gentle, loves children and warm are some of the feminine ones, and friendly, jealous, and tactful are examples of the neutral items. Subjects are asked to indicate how well each of the items describes himself/herself on a scale from 1 (never true) to 7 (always true). The scoring procedure allows an individual to be rated either as masculine, feminine, or androgynous--i.e., the masculine and feminine scores are nearly equal. Bern has administered this scale to over 2,000 undergraduates-and she has found that " . . . approximately one-third.., can be classified as significantly sex typed, and another

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third as androgynous• Fewer than 10 percent are classified as sexreversed."4,P.52 Androgyny is seen by many as inevitable. As women are increasingly employed outside the home and are demanding equal employment opportunities, men will need to adjust to this situation in terms of their needs for dominance, power, and success. Furthermore, the bureaucratization and proletarization of work demands men who value interpersonal relations, concern and sensitivity to others, and the ability to cooperate on mutual goals. In the modern corporation the Marlboro man is obsolete. Marecek 27 has argued that changes in the life span, labor force participation, and marriage, divorce, and fertility patterns all favor the androgynous individuals over those who are either strongly masculine or feminine. Though there are many authors, researchers, and concerned men and women who predict that young people are becoming more androgynous, there is little data which conforms that expectation. Mirra Komarovsky 24 interviewed 62 college seniors from an Ivy League college during the years 1969-1970. She found that these young men still measured themselves against the traditional male stereotype, though they had added some components from that stereotype. The fact is that despite some changes, the traditional ideal of masculinity was still the yardstick against which the seniors measured themselves.., some machismo elements of masculinity were questioned. Moreover, the male ideal of masculinity now included some qualities such as patience, sensitivity, and artistic appreciation. • . . As judged by the Gough Adjective Check List for "my ideal man," the latter was still "assertive," "strong," "courageous," "aggressive," and "masculine• ''24'p'154 These young men are aware of the costs of trying to live up to the traditional male stereotype, but they are willing to pay the price. The rewards, they believe, are worth the costs. They are open to female ambitions; yet, they are unwilling to make personal sacrifices to help their future wives realize those ambitions. In a word, they have more nontraditional attitudes than predispositions to behave. The only alternative they see to traditional sex roles is reversal; that is, they believe that they will either be active or passive-- leaders or followers. Studies of small children indicate that children are still being taught traditional sex roles and are generally behaving in sex-stereotyped ways. For example, content analysis of stories written by children in grades six through ten 2 show that children respond in sex-stereotyped ways. Male-female cultural stereotypes abounded, however, in the stories to the neutral cues. Females were more passive and more affiliative, males more active and non-

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affiliative. Although both sexes were concerned with social competence themes, females were more oriented to winning male approval than vice-versa. . . . More females than males wrote androgynous stories including both activity and affiliation.2,p-27o

Other studies of game-playing show that boys are more interested in competitive, success-oriented games in which there is a lot of body contact. 2°,41 Further, males who assume stereotypically female jobs are rated lower on a variety of attributes than either women in "female typical" or male typical jobs. Hesselbart 19found that male nurses were rated as "least attractive and realistic, least likely to attain the job he wants, least good at his job, least ambitious, less self-assured and more emotional" than either female nurses or male physicians. THE FUTURE: TRADITIONAL OR ANDROGYNOUS

Wesley and Wesley 4s argue that women must become more masculine and men more feminine in order to lead satisfactory lives as the structure of our society demands androgyny. Theyalso suggest that it will be easier for women to become more "masculine" than for men to become more feminine. In our society masculine attributes--competitiveness, achievement, rational intelligence, and emotional detachment--are highly valued; female attributes have been less valued. From childhood through adulthood women have admired, emulated and envied male lifestyles. Women who have adopted male values have been rewarded; men who have adopted female values and lifestyles have been criticized, ostracized, and stigmatized. For example, throughout history, male transvestites have been stigmatized for adopting female attributes; whereas, for a woman to "pass" as a man always seemed sensible. St. Jerome said, "As long as woman is for birth and children, she is different from men as body from soul. But when she wishes to serve Christ more than the world, then she will cease being a woman and will be called a man. ''7 There will be more resistance on the part of males toward adoption of androgyny than among women. Part of the traditional male stance has been to reject the feminine; popular culture, male peer groups, and socialization experiences at home and at school all continue to support traditional male concerns and ridicule "feminine" behavior in boys and men. In the future men will continue to ideologically support the traditional male stereotype though they may incorporate some feminine attributes, i.e., being more open, expressive. Men will continue to experience role conflict as they are forced to accommodate to the structure of modern society and the limits that it puts on male activity.

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26. Maccoby, E., and Jacklin, C. The Psychology of Sex Differences. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1974. 27. Marecek, J., Changes in society seen favoring androgynous individuals. Behavior Today, September 27, 1976. 28. McCleiland, D., Atkinson, D., Clark, R., and Lowell, E. The Achievement Motive. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1953. 29. McClelland, D., Davis, W., Kalin, R., and Wanner, E. The Drinking Man. New York: Free Press, 1972. 30. Meara, H. Honor in dirty work: the case of American meat cutters and Turkish butchers. Sociology of Work and Occupations, 1(3): 259-283, 1974. 31. Miller, W. Lower class culture as a generating milieu of gang delinquency. J. Social Issues, 14(3): 5-19, 1958. 32. Money, J., and Ehrardt, A. Man and Woman, Boy and Girl: The Differentiation and Dimorphism of Gender Identity From Conception to Maturity. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1972. 33. Neufield, E. D., Langmeyer, D., and Seeman, W. Some sex role stereotypes and personal preferences: 1950 and 1970. J. Pers. Assess., 3: 247-254, 1974. 34. Nichols, J. Men's Liberation: A New Definition of Masculinity. New York: Penguin, 1975. 35. Petras, J., Sex Male, Gender Masculine: Selected Readings in Male Sexuality. Port Washington, N.Y.: Alfred, 1975. 36. Pleck, J., and J. Sawyer, Men and Masculinity. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1974. 37. Sargent, A., Beyond Sex Roles. New York: West, 1970. 38. Slater, P. The Pursuit of Loneliness. Boston: Beacon Press, 1970. 39. Stoll, C. Female and Male: Socialization, Social Roles and Social Structure. Dubuque, Iowa: Wm. C. Brown, 1974. 40. Strindberg, A. "The father." In Seven Plays. New York: Bantam, 1960. 41. Sutton-Smith, B., and Sovastra, M. Sex differences in play and power. Paper presented at Eastern Psychological Association meeting, Boston, April 1972. 42. Tavris, C., Responses to Psychology Today questionnaires. Psychology Today, January 1977, pp. 35-82. 43. Tavris, C. and Offir, C. The Longest War: Sex Differences in Perspective. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1977. 44. Terman, L., and Miles, C. Sex and Personality: Studies in Masculinity and Femininity. New York: Russell and Russell, 1936. 45. Wesley, F., and Wesley, C. Sex Role Psychology. New York: Human Sciences Press, 1977. 46. Whyte, W. H., Jr. The Organization Man. New York: Anchor, 1956. 47. Winnick, C., and Kinsie, P. The Lively Commerce: Prostitution in the United States. Chicago: Quadrangle, 1973. 48. Zander, A. Groups a~ Work: Unresolved Issues in the Study of Organizations. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1977. Reprint requests to Jacqueline Boles, Associate Professor of Sociology, Georgia State University, University Plaza, Atlanta, GA 30303.